PLAN FOR PEACE

Evening Post, Volume CXXXIX, Issue 103, 3 May 1945, Page 8

PLAN FOR PEACE

WEAKNESSES SEEN

MR. FRASER DISLIKES VETO (By Telegraph—Press Association —Copyright.) Rec. l"p.m. SAN FRANCISCO, May 1. The two main deficiencies of the Dumbarton Oaks plan were the absence -of definite pledges on the part of members of the world organisation to protect one other against external aggression and the disproportionate role allotted to the small Powers, said Mr. Peter Fraser when addressing the plenary session of UNCIO.

New Zealand desired that the proposed charter should require the members to pledge unequivocably to resist .<all acts of external aggression against any member of the organisation. '

'•We think that this provision, more than any other, would give life and meaning to the world organisation, and assure all States a positive advantage in adhering to the charter," he said. ■ "The major deficiency of the Dumbarton Oaks proposals is the excessive authority conferred on the greats Powers. We feel that the part of the smaller Powers in framing the decisions of. the world organisation could be enlarged without a loss of security. RESPONSIBILITY ASKED. "My country has never shirked its responsibilities in defence of freedom and the democratic way of life, particularly in wartime. New Zealand now .asks to be given an opportunity to meet adequately its responsibilities in peacetime. I do not overlook the fact -that the great Powers must in-' evitably have a predominant voice in matters calling for the Use of armed force," but there will be difficulty in

the way of accepting a proposal under which the great Powers retain the right;to say in every important case whether the organisation shall or shall not act and whether they should be bound or not, and are at the same time^vested with the right to deny the smaller Powers not only a vote but a voieeiin these matters. • role of assembly. "Our view is that the powers of the general assembly should be wide enough to give that body a right to consider any matter within the sphere of international relations. Its powers of discussion and recommendation should not be constitutionally limited. We also propose that when sanctions are called for by the security council endorsement by the assembly should be normally required, and all members should be bound by the decision of the assembly. This should not necessitate any delay in taking action, since there are likely to be some indications af rapidly developing dangerous situations and in case of extreme urgency the security council should have power to act. "Concerning the veto by the great Powers, can this possibly be regarded as a sound basis for building a lasting organisation?" It is unfair and indefensible and may destroy itself. Under the draff proposals, if a great Power is labelled an aggressor nothing further can be done if that Power exercises its right of veto. DANGER DISCERNED. "It is.clear that if the veto is exercised in such a manner, faith in the world organisation would collapse. The veto of the five large Powers should not be insisted on,- but apparently the veto is a condition of unity of the three Powers, Britain, Russia, and the United States, in promotion oi! the world organisation. Thus we have no option but to accept it. "At the same time there is no need for us to justify or- applaud it, or refrain from efforts in future years to have it removed. "Furthermore, one of the great Powers could exercise its veto respecting aggression by other nations. h lf this survives it will produce a preposterous situation which will destroy respect for the world organisation. For example, one small Power may be an aggressor against another small Power, but one of the great Powers can prevent the matter from being considered by the security council. WOULD MEAN FUTILITY. "If a great Power could cast a cloak of protection over a small aggressor Power by exercising its veto, then the work of the security council would be reduced to complete futility. . "This matter admittedly has been the subject of much discussion, and already the great Powers have made some concessions. They have not asked for the power of» veto in their own cases up to the point of the application of sanctions, but under the present provisions $icy retain the veto in the care of other Powers both for the application of sanctions and in the preliminary stages. New Zealand considers this absurdly and ridiculously wrong, and thinks that it should not be upheld. "The charter should include the application of trusteeship to the Government of dependent peoples. The object ,of that trust is the welfare of those peoples and the powers to be conferred on, the organisation should be the subject of discussion and negotiation. LEAGUE DEFENDED. "New Zealand attaches great importance to the provisions of the charter respecting the functions of the economic and social council. The paramount problem confronting us is the maintenance of peace. This is a moral problem, not one to be solved by procedures, however carefully and comprehensively devised. "The failure of the League of Nations, one of the noblest conceptions in the history of mankind, was a moral failure on the part of the individual members. It was not due to any fundamental defect of the League's machinery. The League failed because its members would not perform what they undertook to perform, and because of the recession that occurred in public morality in the face of the rising tide of Fascism and Nazism. It failed because the rule of expediency replaced that of moral principles. "Unless we, in the future, have moral rectitude and the determination to stand on our engagements and principles, then the procedures laid down in this new organisation will avail us nothing. PLEA TO MEMBERS. "I plead most earnestly that members shall seek international equity, both political and economic, and in all circumstances keep their pledged word and faith and never again to allow aggression in any part of the world. This is a moment of time which will not recur in our lives, and may never recur again. The world may be bound for all time by what we here today make of our heavy and onerous responsibility. . "It is my deep fear that if this fleeting moment is not captured the world will again relapse into another period of- disillusionment, despair, and doom. This must not happen."