THE ACID TEST

Evening Post, Volume CXVI, Issue 65, 14 September 1933, Page 11

THE ACID TEST

NEW CODE IN AMERICA

HOW ACT IS WORKING

CRISIS ON LABOUR CLAUSES

OLD STRUGGLE RENEWED

United rrcsa Association—By Elcclrio Tele-

Eraph—Copyright.

NEW YORK, September 13,

It is clearly indicated that the National Recovery Act is being subjected to the severest strain ©a the issuo of the labour clauses. ' An essential motivation, of the National Beeovcry Act is balanced sacrifice and gain from controlled aiation-wide economic modifications. It involves, above all, the abandonment of the mental viewpoint of the "struggle" between employer and worker, inherent in the history of industrial relations. In justice to Eooseveltian philosophy, at least that part which underlies the National Recovery Act, it must be said that ha is in no sense "just another trade unionist himself." The framers ,of the National Recovery Act had a whole, not a partial^ outlook. Tho system of codes aspires to create "a federation of industries co-extensive with a supcr-fcderatiou of Labour.". In general terms, this is even specified in -the Recovery Act, which aims to "induce and maintain tlio united action of Labour and management under adequate Governmental sanctions and supervision. " ' In anticipation of the inevitable problems, President Roosevelt ou August 5 created a National Board of Arbitration, with Senator Wagner at its head. This body has been more of less scrupulously avoided by disputants. One must conclude that even if the best motives are Imputed, the fact remains that the American Union is as badly prepared for the technique of intelligent co-operation in industry as a social phenomenon as the great majority of the individualistic employers. WHOLE CONCEPT IN PERIL. It now seems inevitable that the National Recovery Act must intensify the struggle rather than prove ameliorative, and the consequent disturbances may shatter tho whole concept. As early as June 27 tho International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers sent President Roosevelt a letter sovoroly criticising tho Administrator, General Hugh Johnson, and his deputies in handling the labour aspects of the various codes. They alleged that representatives of great industries had been openly guided and instructed during tho hearings by National 'Recovery Act representatives to circumvent and defeat every Labour aspiration. This sounds comical in the light of the recent declaration of war by tho motor, steel, oil, and other great industries against the National Recovery Act on tho ground that it openly favours Labour. It is contended that President Boosevolt'3 Government' and party are'predicted as pro-Labour. Competent observers at Washington say this proLabour bias is part and parcel of the "bloodless revolution," but ono must go to the Recovery Act itself to get most light on tho question. THE REAL BATTLEGROUND. Section 7, which became the battleground, grants the right of collective bargaining as concerns wage rates, hours, and conditions of employment to Labour groups through representatives "of their own choosing." This is interpreted as compulsion by law for workers to join uuions. Those who claim to know the intent of Congress in framing, or rather approving, the Act say that section 7 was tho old practice of dismissal by certain • open shop employers of thoso workers who joined trado unions. The realities of 'the' situation became immediately evident, however, when it was realised that trade, union organisers during tho past soveral weeks have appeared in offices and factories that never beforo havo been unionised. When tho. body economic of- the nation is sick unto death, and is undergoing a sensitive experiment for recovery, it seems hardly time to try and settle tho problem of tho open and closed shop which it was impossible to settle when it was. in full health and vigour.