UPPER HOUSE REFORM

Evening Post, Volume CXV, Issue 80, 5 April 1933, Page 8

UPPER HOUSE REFORM

"NOW IS THE TIME" ELECTION BY PARLIAMENT

(By F. S. Goldingham.) Our system of parliamentary government is based upon the assumption that a Government which has been elected on a certain policy, must not depart in essentials from that policy by introducing far-reaching and particularly revolutionary measures which have not been submitted to the people simply because the Government party happens to have a majority in the House of.Eepresentatives. Unfortunately, 'that practice has been radically changed" by successive Governments, and punitive, repressive, and communistic legislation, has been passed without consulting the electors and against the opinions of at least 80 per cent, of them.

1 The result of the recent legislation against a large .majority, of the people has destroyed confidence; secret legions and societies are springing up, there is a continuous and sustained demand for a dictator, and .the people are groping for some new plan under which the will of the people will be respected and the election pledges of the Government will be honoured. : . .

Now, in this country,--I- am certain that a dictator would not be tolerated for 4ongj with the. first mistake made, the people would be up in arms.- It must be recognised.that it is impossible to legislate to cure the economic situation. .Any. legislation such as erecting tariff barriers and debasing currency only prolong the situation because they, are unnatural and against the well-tried principles of British government. We are a democratic people, and require democratic government, and, from observations made where more or less stable government predominates, I have come to the conclusion that our only constitutional means of restoring confidence is the reform of the Upper House. NOT FUNCTIONING PROPERLY. The present situation is wrong, because, in the event of the Upper Hause throwing out a policy measure of the Government of the day, the Upper House would immediately bo swamped by the appointment of members pledged to carry out the proposals of the Government.- Under these circumstances, the Upper House is useless and does not function in the way it should.

Sir Henry Braddon, speaking at,the Millions Club less than a fortnight ago in support of the Government pro? posals for the reform of the Upper House, said that, large sums of money were being withheld from investment pending somt> f nrrn of reasonable security against wild, reckless legislation. The referendum proposal, although not an ideal scheme, was the best possible way of providing that security. It w.ould be a safeguard in the event of a turn of the political wheel placing an irresponsible Premier and Government in power, and would' contribute much to the revival of the confidence necessary; to set the wheels of industry in motion and relieve unemployment. "The value1 of tho Upper House as a. safeguard cannot be over-estimated,' 5 Sir Henry Braddon added. "Just imagine what would have happened had some of Mr. Lang's1 measures gone through. The mortgage capital levy alone would have crushed the country almost out of existence. At the same time, no Upper House should be in a position to thwart the clearly-denned will of the people. If the referendum is carried, the Upper House, even with ordinary Bills, will be able only to delay for a while and finally force an appeal to the people. A GOLDEN OPPORTUNITY. . I have a definite conviction that now is the golden opportunity for the people of New Zealand- to strike a blow for constitutional stability. I understand there are about twenty-: two members in the Upper House, and before any more new appointments are made the reform of the Upper House should be examined. The one thing that matters above all else is a revival and expansion of industry and commerce that will provide relief from distress and employment for our citizens. , Anyone who ■ cares'to recall the extremist legislation placed upon our Statute Book must • unhesitatingly endorse the principles of reform of the Upper House on . democratic lines. Measures were passed which' had neither the authority nor the approval of the great body of the.people. Some of: these Bills struck at the very foundation of the social and industrial order, and upon them there was little debate. ..Until recently the case'for the retention of the second chamber rested mainly on the need of having a legislative body which could revise the legislation of the elected House, from a more or less non-party standpoint, and which, iii effect, could secure that measure of delay that is requisite for a full and dispassionate consideration of. the effects of any proposed legislation in which there was any ground for thinking that the legislative proposals have not received, or would not receive, the endorsement of the people. So far as I am able to ascertain, that has Woadly been the case for the retention of a second chamber throughout the whole world. : The political events of the last few years have not only strengthened the case for the retontion of the second chamljcr, but have given rise to the development of a stronger case than previously existed. ■' •• The political events of the past few years, therefore, indicate the necessity for a second chamber. They also give lis a guide both as to the way it should be constituted and the powers it should possess. ... . '. ' '■• If you examine carefully the£ purposes for which a second • chamber exists, you have the key to the method by which it should be constituted and \o the powers which it should possess. METHOD OF ELECTION. There are three practical methods of constitution of the second chamber which suggest themselves:—• 1. The system of nomination by the Government of the day. 2. Direct election by the people. 3. Indirect election by the Upper and Lower Houses themselves sitting as one electoral body, though/ in distinct chambers. This method has a number of very obvious advantages—expense is avoided, and a selection of men whose merits are perhaps not such as would commend themselves in the struggle of a.popular election is made possible. There is, I suggest, no better consti-' tuency for electing the second chamber than tho men who have been elected by the peoplo. If the elected representatives are capable of representing tho people, they should bo capable of a choice of candidates for election to the Legislative Council. The members of the Legislative Council have- a knowledge of public affairs, and for tho most part they are able to assess the qualities of tho men who will stand as candidates.