Evening Post. WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 5, 1917. AMERICA FACES THE NEW DANGER

Evening Post, Volume XCIV, Issue 135, 5 December 1917, Page 6

Evening Post. WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 5, 1917. AMERICA FACES THE NEW DANGER

We wrote yesterday: "Unless the submarine; eclipses all records, or the American and Allied 'will tc conquer' weakens, the Central Powers must be defeated." To-day comes an assurance from the United States—and it is tiaiely .—that the American- "will to conquer" has not weakened, and that, whatever Russia may do, if the Western Allies will continue to maintain their bridgehead on the Continent of Europe, United States troops will continue to cross the Atlantic and to»march, via that bridgehead, against Continental militarism. This Presidential assurance will'be good news to sorely-tried France, and particularly to smitten Italy, whom Germany and Austria-Hungary endeavour by overwhelming strength to drive' from the Allied ranks. And the President is backing words with deeds. He recognises that the position of invaded Italy and the general military situation make it more than ever inconsistent that the United .States should be !at war with Germany and not with Austria-Hungary; and he forthwith recommends to. Congress that war should'be declared against the equivocating and simulating Dual Monarchy. Perhaps even now the world at large has not realised the transformation tha^has taken place in the relative military values of Russia, Austria-Hun-gary ; and.' Italy. In 1916 the Dual Monarchy appeared as the diminishing factor, and it seemed that the patchwork fabric ruled over successively by the Emperors Francis Joseph and Charles must csllapse between the. two fires of the Russo-Rumanians and the Italians. But in 1917 Russia's hold on Galicia and Bukovina has become almost nominal, her threat to Hungary has disappeared, no one knows how long the Ukraine will be safe from Austro-Hungarian invasion,and the Rumanian armies appear as the half-deserted defenders of a forlorn hope. On the. other side of the scale, AustriaHungary, with German aid, has counterbalanced heavily against Italy, and the invader of 1916" is the invaded of 1917. Clearly, then, every consideration of duty to an ally and of military necessity demands a declaration of war by the United States on Austria-Hungary. Today's messages show that President Wilson has risen to the occasion. Nor is it likely that Congress will be found wanting.

Reviewing what has happened in Russia, Austria-Hungary, Italy, and the Balkans—enemy gains only slightly discounted by British victories in Turkey-' in-Asia^—it becomes moro than ever evident that, in the phrase of' Mr. M'Adqo, American aid is necessary to tip tho beam in favour of civilisation. It is no timo for half-measures or half-wars; An Austria-Hungary flushed with success, revived by the wino of military glory, and a Germany substantially reinforced by means of the Russian passivity, must be fouglit not singly nor half-heartedly. Against them must be thrown the "whole force of the Western Allies and of America, if Western Europe is to be not only defended' against all aggression, but is to be made a battle-ground where the fate of Eastern Europe and of the world at large may be decided against ftussianism. Given a "will to conquer" in the United States, what can 'prevail against it? Not, we hope, weakness in France and Italy. In the latter country a crisis has occurred, but already, there are signs that it f has been passed through, and even among the Socialists Signor Bissolati is organising a win-the-war group. If, then, the national will of Italy and Prance is to withstand temptations and Boloism, can it be said tliat the Allies will yet be undone by the submarine? To attempt to answer this question would be to adventure into the region of prophecy, but one very significant new fact is to be noted. Following on Mr. Lloyd George's confident assurance that the submarine cannot prevent Anglo-Americwn mobilisation by sea and concentration in France, there comes now an amended statement "by Hindenburg of the scope of the submarine warfare. " It,is not,,"'he says, "a 1 question of starving England within a few mouths, but of inclining her towards peace." And this shrinking estimate -of submarine " decisiveness " /is accompanied by a sentence in which reliance is "placed not upon the submarine, but upon Japanese rivalry, as a means of hampering the trans-Atlantic shipment of the United States Army. If America sent her new army to Europe, says Hindeijbiirg, she would " render herself helpless in case Japan desired to square up old accounts." Such hypo-' thetical political reasoning hardly suggests the blunt soldier that Hindenburg is represented to be. It Js a clumsy misfit, and if the German Generalissimo has nothing worse than that in his armoury, the United States transports will continue to clear.

In raising. the sword against the unrepentant Austro-Hungarian Government, President Wilson takes opportunity to again declare war against Hohenzollernism. No peace i^ possible with the untrustworthy leaders of Germany, and In any ease tha en«my armies must firat be

" thoroughly beaten." Also, there must be " full reparation." In support of this complete programme, " America will use all her resources in men and money to win the war. Nothing will divert us from that purpose." The realisation ot this promise will constitute a true"world-triumph. Well may Yon Tirpitz, from his Pan-German standpoint, bewail " the Anglo-American Alliance." When Wilhelm drew the sword in 1914 he concentrated against Germanism the whole Anglo-Saxon family, barring- his westward progress; and though in the East the Slavs seem for the moment to be holding tie fort badly, the end is not yet. Between the rival tides of Western democracy and Eastern Slavdom Pan-Germanism is destined to be submerged, and its struggles will hereafter be viewed by the historian as an impossible j world-melodrama of terrific and terrible proportions.