NEUTRALS AND CONTRABAND

Evening Post, Volume LXXXIX, Issue 6, 8 January 1915, Page 6

NEUTRALS AND CONTRABAND

As the war progresses, the question of neutral countries and contraband cargo is not likely to grow less acute. Five months of war have shown quite sufficiently that its effects touch not only the belligerent nations but the whole world. Trade is dislocated and in many cases almost ruined ; many industries have been seriously disturbed, and unemployment is increasing. There is little outlet for the produce that formerly went to the countries now at war, and the consequence is disastrous to the producers. The purchasing power of the Allies, who have command of the seas, is naturally reduced or largely confined to the securing of material and munitions of wax and of food supplies for the people. The purchasing power of Germany and Austria is limited to what those nations can get through neutral countries in the way of contraband. It is naturally a great temptation for neutrals to act as importing agents for contraband material and smuggle it through to the belligerents, and a lucrative business consequently sprang up early in the war and waxed big. The imports to all the European neutral countries contiguous or close to Germany and Austria were far beyond the normal, clearly indicating the destination of the surplus goods. Britain tolerated it for a time in her usual easygoing way, but when the vista of the war lengthened out in the battle of the Aisne and tKe Russian check in Poland, and it seemed a protracted war was inevitable, the pressure was applied and the right of search on the high seas freely and strictly exercised. Hence the recent outcry from America and the secret conference of the Scandinavian powers at Malmo. This may be only the beginning of serious irritation, possibly leading to trouble. In a war of the magnitude of the European struggle the whole world has more or less interest, and if the effect of a strict enforcement of the British right of search is to choke the contraband smuggling out of existence, ! as it should be, then there may b« more overt or covert enemies to reckon with. A neutral to-day in this war may be an ally or an enemy to-morrow. The German maxim that self-interest is the moving spirit of States is unfortunately being justified only too well in the present war. Germany went to war for self-aggrandisement, and the example is set to other nations. The time might come credibly enough when neutrality in this war may prove nearly as costly as actual participation in the struggle, and in every country there is always a strong section seized with the thought of glory and gain to be won on the field or on the water. It is in fostering the spirit of discontent and unrest that German diplomacy excels. It was its evil influence that dragged Turkey into the war, and the same intriguing machinations may — one must admit the .possibility — embroil one or more of the other neutral Powers. When we Tead of Lloyds insuring against war with Norway, there is some significance to be attached to the Scandinavian attitude and a delicate subject for our own diplomacy. Holland is sorely tried with holding the balance between England and! Germany, both powerful neighbours with interests diametrically opposed. Add to that the cost to her of maintaining her army in readiness, and of feeding the refugees from Belgium and the interned of both belligerents, and' Holland's plight as a neutral is not beyond the Tauge of sympathy. With America there seems to be a subsidence of the 'feeling embodied in the Note to Britain which excited some anxiety a few days ago. The spirit of reason and common-sense has been allowed to opeTate, a-nd the announcement that the United States Government is prepared to certify the exact contents of American cargoes before they leave port will greatly simplify Britain's task and smooth over a& much as possible an. unpleasant duty.

Some interesting comment upon the news conveyed in a cable last -week regarding a native uprising in the Philippines was made by Mr. S. Barber, a citizen of the United States, who arrived in Sydney from the Philippines, via Java, by the Houtman. He said that the whole trouble was that there were two distinct parties — the Filipinos and the Americans — and that the former wore in power. They were running the country on the graft system, ousting Americans 'from jobs and replacing them with Filipinos chosen for oarty reasons. There was also an agitation for home rule. There were several factions among the Filipinos, and they were themselves at variance owing to the fact that it was impossible to please everybody who thought he should have a job. Mr. Barber does not fear that the trouble will develop into anything serious at present. But, he said, it was almost certain that the Americans would get back t-o power at the n<s£t elections, in twelve month*' time.