The Dominion. THURSDAY, JULY 12, 1917. OUR RUSSIAN ALLIES

Dominion, Volume 10, Issue 3134, 12 July 1917, Page 4

The Dominion. THURSDAY, JULY 12, 1917. OUR RUSSIAN ALLIES

The restoration of constitutional and democratic rule in Greece is so obviously justified on the highest moral grounds that the protest of the Russian Provisional Government against the measures taken to this end passes understanding. The protest relates to comparatively minor events, but it has a bearing —possibly a vital bearing—on the major issues of the war. As it stands it is an unexplained expression of dissent, and one which certainly is in no way justified. Prior to the removal of Constantine, Greece was a country in which constitutional authority had been overthrown by violent usurpation, seconded by Prussian methods of repression. His utmost efforts on behalf of Germany did not enableConstantine to dragoon the whole Greek 'people. In the closing days of his reign approximately threefifths of the Greeks had cast off and defied his authority, and ranged themselves under the Government headed by M. Venizelos. From first to last the Allies have acted in full sympathy and accord with the trusted leaders of this majority of the Greek people, and these relations subsist unimpaired at the present hour,- when Greece is to all intents and purposes in a state of war with the Central Empires. The Eussian Government disapproves of Constantine and his policy, but it extends its disapproval also to "the means which were employed to forcibly substitute one king for another." The answer which fully meets this objection is that the Allies took the only means that offered of restoring to the Greek people their exclusive right o r choosing the form of their administrative organisation. The Greeks to-day are "free to establish any form of Government they please, whereas • if the Allies had refrained from acting it is possible, at least, that Constantine. would have been confirmed and fortified in his tyranny as well as in the criminal policy in which he was sacrificimr his country at the bidding and in the interests of Germany. There is no definite supgesfion'as yet that flic Allies are likely to come to a deadlock in I he Balkans. Indeed, there are predictions of a powerful Russo-Rumanian offensive in Rumania, the theatrcin which Russia is best able to brine her weight to bear to the end of driving the Austro-Gormans out of

the Balkan Peninsula. But tho formal protest against tho action of the Allies in Greece cannot on thijf account bo dismissed as unimportant. It sets up tho extraordinary standard that it is wrong to depose an unconstitutional tyrant and restore their liberties to tho people over whom ho has tyrannised. Manifestly if this were a representative expression of Russian policy, Russia, although her armies have resumed the offensive and are doing gallant work in Galicia, could no longer be regarded by the countries leagued against the Central Empires as an effective and trustworthy ally.

As it is phrased, the protest against the intervention of the Allies in Greece looks liko an express repudiation of the principles which were admirably set out by President Wilson in a Note which he addressed to Russia last month. After pointing out that Government after Government, from Berlin to Bagdad, had been linked by German influence in a net of intrigue, and declaring that the meshes of this intrigue must be broken, President Wilson, outlined in the following'terins the principles which must govern the war settlement:

Germany is seeking pledges thai Hie war will result in tho restoration o c the status quo auto bellum. D; was fiom this status oiio (hat the iniquitous war began—namely, tho nower of the German Government within (lie German Empire, and Its widespread influence and domination outside. The status must now be so altered as to prevent such n hideous thine; recurring. When peace, comes it must give us liberty, self-govern-ment, and the undictated development of nil peoples. Wrongs must first be righted; then we must have safeguards to prevent their'recurrence. Plr.'.i3?« do not accomplish results. Questions must be settled l>y practical means; by effective readjustments. The free peoples of the world must meet in a common covenant, leading to genuine and practical in-opera-tion, which will combine their forces in order to secure universal peace a.nd justice. The brotherhood of mankind must not be an empty phrase; it must be given a structure of'force and reality.

Russia, obviously, ignored thesesound principles in framing her protest on the subject of late events in Greece, and unless she changes her attitude prospects of achieving a' stable and lasting peace will be jeopardised. The host hope in sight is that the plain merits of the case may compel such a change of attitude in Russia. Taking the same line in larger affairs as she has taken in Greece, she would condemn the Polos and other racial groups now living under Austrian or German tyranny to continued servitude, and so perpetuate the conditions out of which the war arose. Similar considerations apply to the Balkans and Turkey. It is Germany's desire that the Ottoman Empire should retain iis pre-war boundaries, and if this happens, even with Serbia and Rumania, restored, the- Ottoman Empire will remain a pawn in German hands, and a standing threat to both Russia and the British Empire will result. If this development is to be averted, Turkey must be divided into the incompatible elements out of which it is formed. Tho six million Ottoman Turks are entitled to self-government. They are not entitled to oppress and murder other races. With the Turks, the Arabs, the Armenians, and the inhabitants of Syria all enjoying autonomous freedom under whatever protection might bo deemed necessary and expedient, Germany's schemes of wqrld empire would be definitely checkmated. Opposing a settlement on these lines, which admittedly cannot be,-effected if her co-operation is withheld, Russia would bo playing Germany's game, and at the same time would be abandoning oppressed and maltreated races to their fato.