The Dominion. TUESDAY, MAY 2, 1911. HOME RULE.

Dominion, Volume 4, Issue 1116, 2 May 1911, Page 4

The Dominion. TUESDAY, MAY 2, 1911. HOME RULE.

The Home Rule delegates now in New Zealand on a mission to raise funds for thj prosecution of their campaign will no doubt receive a hearty welcome from sympathisers with their aims and a substantial contribution to the funds of the movement they support. Since Mn. Asquith has. the means of passing the Parliament Bill into law, and Mr. Redmond the power to keep him up to his promise of a Home Rule Bill, and since in that case there is nothing to do, according to the British Liberals, but wait until the Home Rule Bill becomes law automatically, we can hardly see the need for funds. The one point upon which those New Zcalandcrs who trouble to give a real attention to British politics will be curious tn hear the delegates speak is the financial side of the problem. It has often—quite incorrectly—been said that Ireland has bee a over-taxed and is over-taxed at present, although we arc bound in fairness to say that no Nationalist of any standing ever makes that statement now. On all sides it is admitted that the financial problem is a very difficult one, and it has not been hard to see between the lines of British Ministerial speeches a deep anxiety lest the British taxpayer will, rebel against the financial burden that he will, for a good many years have to go on bear-

'ag for his Irish brother. The great weakness of the Nationalists' position, leaving all tho constitutional questions on one side, is in the fact that while they claim political independence for Ireland they cannot pay for it by becoming financially independent. Ireland must, for some years, remain in receipt of indirect bounties from the British taxpayer.

This is a difficulty that cannot be shirked, and it is one, most people will think, that can be got over without soreness only by a settlement in a spirit of sympathy and concession. The necessity for a good atmosphere was seen over twenty years ago by Mr. Gladstone, and it is seen to -be no less a necessity today by the less recklcss Nationalists. Thus Mr. William O'Brien, in a message to tho American public on St. Patrick's Day, added an important footnote to bis statement that "all sections of the Nationalist party are ready for co-operation in testing to the uttermost Mr. Asquith's Home Rule pledges."

The difference between us (said Mr. O'Brien) is that Mr. Redmond's friends believe that the Veto Bill and Home Rule can best to carried by constituting the Irish.party, for all purposes and at any cost to Ireland in other matters, a wing of tho Liberal party in their party warfare against the Unionists. We, on the contrary, believe that by involving Ireland in British party quarrels, we shall be making it impossible to carry Home Rule against the solid Unionist opposition and an Irish Protestant majority driven to bay, while if Ireland's strength was wisely employed, nothing would be easier than to bring about a settlement of both the Lords and tho Home Rule problems by general consent in the broad spirit which is now beginning to show itself in the Unionist party and among our Protestant countrymen.

In a letter to tho Times on March 21 Mb. O'Bries asked Mr. Redmoxd, who had been speaking of harmony between all creeds and classes, to hint the adoption of that policy to the "Board of Erin," whose first rule was in direct conflict with the principle of harmony and equality. If Me. Redmond did so, Mr. O'Brien would give him his humble allegiance. Lord Diuraven, who is "as certain that Home Rule will come as that the sun will rise tomorrow," is pessimistic about the prospect of Home Rule being built on the wreck of tho British Constitution. He dreads that Ireland may be cozened into the acceptance of a moasurc doomed to failure and Home Rule thus lost forever. "Ireland," he says, "is to drag the chestnuts out of the fire, if she can, for the Radicals to cat, and she will get burned."

These arc matters that the more thoughtful _ sympathisers. in this country _ with Irish aspirations would like the visiting delegates to discuss. We have referred to Mr. Gladstone, and it may be well to recall that great statesman's views upon a fundamental question which is in issue just now. In his first Midlothian speech in 1885 (November 9) he said, according to the official report of his speech, revised on his behalf, and published by the Scottish Liberal Association in 1886:

• Quite apart from the names of Whig arid Tory, this one thing I will say, and will endeavour to impress, and it is this, that it will be a vital danger to tho country if at the time that the demand of Ireland for large powers of self-govern-ment is to be dealt' with—it will be a vital danger to the Empire if there is not in Parliament ready to deal with that subject, ready to influence the proceedings upon that subject, a party totally independent of the Irish vote. ... It would not be safe t:o enter upon the consideration of tho principles of a measure with respect to which at every step of its progress it would be in 'the power of a party coming from Ireland to say, "Unless you do this, aiul unless you tlo that, wo turn you out to-morrow." As Lord Morley says, Mr. Gladstone "insisted upon the same position again and again." The conditions that Mr. Gladstone considered so dangerous for the passing of a Home Rule Bill are the conditions that subsist to-day. His fears are born again in the fears of Me. O'Brien and Lord Dunraven, ai;ti it is not difficult to believe that lie would regard the present situation with deep conccrn.