Thank you for correcting the text in this article. Your corrections improve Papers Past searches for everyone. See the latest corrections.

This article contains searchable text which was automatically generated and may contain errors. Join the community and correct any errors you spot to help us improve Papers Past.

Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image

The Dominion. WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 28, 1908. NOTES ON THE ELECTIONS.

Sir Joseph Ward'was unfortunate in having selected for his Winton speech the evening chosen by Mr. Massey for his address to the people of Feilding. The concurrence of the two fixtures naturally resulted in the simultaneous publication of the.two speeches; and the public was therefore able to compare Mr. Massey's progressive programme of constructive ideas with the irrelevant mass of statistics wli-ch the Prime Minister asks us to believe is a policy. As a counter-blast to the thirteen definite planks of Mr. Massey's platform, Sir Joseph can offer nothing better than an emphatic statement that ho intends to' do the best for everybody. Tue fact of the matter is that the Government has so distorted its office that the true Liberal, who cherishes freedom and loves honesty, has his policy ready made for him. The worst that the Prime Minister-can say of Mr. Massey's programme is.that it is "a bundle of negatives." .From one point of view this description is perfectly accurate, inasmuch as Mr. Massey says "No"' where Sir Joseph says "Yes," just as the Health Department says "No" when it is asked to permit the continuance of an unwholesome condition of affairs. But Sir Joseph Ward should remember that "negativeness" as a policy has the highest precedent known to humanity. The Decalogue is "a bundle of negatives."

Concluding his speech at; Winton, tho Prime Minister "put in a plea for a better national spirit, so that there might bo cultivated in the rising generation .that deep attachment to their country tliat the earlier settlers so noticeably retained for the Olcl Land." That is a plea in which everybody will join; but it is difficult to perceive how a better national spirit can be cultivated by a continuance of tho present "Liberal" regime. The rising generation sees in every direction such an extension of the State's functions as to mako it appear that when the generation has risen it will find the State an earthly Providence under which there will bo no call for individual effort, no reward for thrift, no need for self-reliance, no room for ambition. Looking to the cities, the rising generation sees industry being converted into a battlefield upon which the .worker struggles to give as little as possible for as much as he can get, upon which nothing is so inglorious as a love of labour. Looking to the country, he sees the land being parcelled out into leaseholds, and he sees the Government bent upon an agrarian policy which, if unchecked, would ultimately lead to the disappearance of the sense of property and the extinction of the Anglo-Saxon's traditional instinct to have for his own tho land which be tills. Looking to tho (in-

ances of the country, he sees what appears to bo a, final adoption of the doctrine that his native land must live upon credit for over. In theso circumstances, the rising generation is less likely to develop "a better national spirit" than to conclude that there is nothing for it but to obtain a Government "billet." And they will havo this excuse, that, unless the ideals set before them by their leaders are improved, their country will be unworthy of their attachment, but a place to leave without much regret. The resourcefulness of Sin Joseph Ward is a matter of common knowledge, but we question whether even his warmest admirers were quite prepared for the magnificent manner in which, at Winton, he disposed of the tightness of the money market. As to tho reduction in Savings Bank deposits (tho report runs), ho expressed the opinion that tho banks had made a mistake in increasing rates. By so doing they created the impression that money was tight, and he had not expected anything else than that thero would bo withdrawals from tho banks, becauso people thought they could do better outside with their money. Money was a _ very difficult thing to handle, and very sensitive. Tho moment one touched it and started putting rates up one produced widespread effects, that, like tho boomerang, came back sometimes and hit tho people who caused them. So wo know now that it was simply a stupid error amongst bankers—not tho excessive demand for advances—that has been at the bottom of the trouble. It almost leads one to believe that the bankers could not have heard SiR Joseph's repeated declarations that everything was as right as right could be. But the bankers could not have entirely overlooked the Prime' Minister, and we must ascribe to the ignorance of bankers concerning money tho disrespectful manner in which the money market' defied Sir .Joseph's command, or, what is the samo thing, Sir Joseph's opinion. It is as if a starving man, assured by the Prime Minister that starvation was out of date, persisted in remaining hungry. We are glad to note that Sir Joseph at last admits that the withdrawals from banks must be set off against the deposits which he has been quoting everywhere as a sort of reason why the Government should be kept in office. Will he not quote the statistics relating to withdrawals and advances 1 The Prime Minister and the rank and file of his party havo been wise enough to refer as little as possible to the "gag" clausc of the Second Ballot Bill. But j Mr. Fowlds, in his speech at Auckland last week, ventured upon a. defence of the Government's action in the matter. This passage of his speech is so remarkable that wo quote it in full from the Government's organ in Auckland:—' Thoy had heard a groat deal about the Second Ballot Act and tho "gag" clause. (A voico: "I should- think so.") He wished to tell them that tho "gag" clauso was not there when tho Bill was introduced by tho Government. The Opposition contended that between tho first and second ballots members of tho Ministry could go all over tho electorates, and endeavour to bribo or cajole tho electors to vote for the Government candidate. It was to make this position impossible that tho clause was drafted. It was put into the Bill without a division. It provided that no one—candidates, press, nor Ministers —could tako to tho public platform for the sake of influencing tho electors. It simply provided that the peoplo should, have an opportunity of deciding botween the two highest candidates on tho first ballot. During the period between thoso two ballots, no public discussion could tako place. However, the clausei had been eliminated from the Bill, but it 'was a very unfair thing to blamo tho Government, for a clauso , which was introduced to meet objections raised for tile most part .by the- Opposition, and it was put thero with no sinister intention whatever. (Applause,).

As Mr. Fowlds is a very clear speaker, wo may take it that he intended his words to convey tho impression which they actually do convey—namely, that it was the Opposition that demanded tho "gag" clause. This is so far removed from fact that it calls for attention. AVhat the Opposition complained 'of was that in the case of a second ballot being necessary Ministers would be found "going, all over electorates endeavouring to bribe tho electors." What the Opposition wanted was the withdrawal of the whole Bill, or, failing that, an amendment ,that would prevent Ministers from interfering in a second ballot. It was the Opposition which, against Mr. Fowlds and the Government, resisted tho Bill with all its strength. And now Miu Fowlds does not scruple to distort the facts by saddling tho Opposition with the guilt of an outrage that would havo . been carried through by the Government had not the Opposition championed 'public opinion against it.

Last night was a busy one locally in electioneering circles. Quite a number of the candidates delivered their first big addresses, and a number of others made a reappearance. Me. Hi slop spoke at the Druids' Hall, dealing largely with financial matters, the meeting being notable mainly for the very large, number of questions hurled at the candidate at the close of his speech. Me. M'Lean addressed the doctors of the East seat, and announced a programme fitting in closely with the ideas of the Government, and supplementing the Government programme with a State Bank. Mb. Wilfokd had a good meeting at Petone, and met with his usual platform success. Me. Herman spoke at 'the Sydney Street. Schoolroom, and also had a very successful meeting. In fact, all the candidates delivering their first big speeches of the campaign must havo 'felt well satisfied with their receptions. The best spcech of tho evening, probably, was that of Me. Herdjian, who got away from the beaten track, and was sound and solid without being dull and heavy. Reports of the. speeches of these candidates appear elsewhere, and our readers will be able to judge for themselves on the subject.

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/DOM19081028.2.14

Bibliographic details

Dominion, Volume 2, Issue 339, 28 October 1908, Page 6

Word Count
1,492

The Dominion. WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 28, 1908. NOTES ON THE ELECTIONS. Dominion, Volume 2, Issue 339, 28 October 1908, Page 6

The Dominion. WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 28, 1908. NOTES ON THE ELECTIONS. Dominion, Volume 2, Issue 339, 28 October 1908, Page 6

Help

Log in or create a Papers Past website account

Use your Papers Past website account to correct newspaper text.

By creating and using this account you agree to our terms of use.

Log in with RealMe®

If you’ve used a RealMe login somewhere else, you can use it here too. If you don’t already have a username and password, just click Log in and you can choose to create one.


Log in again to continue your work

Your session has expired.

Log in again with RealMe®


Alert