Turmoil In Argentina

Press, Volume CX, Issue 32321, 12 June 1970, Page 10

Turmoil In Argentina

Less than a fortnight ago a correspondent of the “ New York Times ”, writing from Cordoba, said that in spite of almost constant and violent street demonstrations against the regime led by General Ongania, it seemed secure enough. “ Only a military “coup is likely to dislodge a military government “ in Argentina ”, wrote the correspondent, “ and that “seems unlikely at the moment”. Obviously no whisper of what was afoot had reached the correspondent’s ears. The coup, involving the three services, which on June 9 forced President Ongania to surrender office, must have been planned carefully and in complete secrecy. The regime has been very much more liberal than most military governments: but the Cabinet has accepted unreservedly General Ongania’s thesis that Argentina is “ not yet ready for political democracy ”, He has described his form of government as “ social “ democracy ”. Political parties and, indeed, any kind of political activity have been proscribed. This is where the dissenting service chiefs -seem to have parted company with the Government, whith rejected their demand for the restoration of constitutional rule. Yet, if the new regime proposes to give Argentinians a reasonably early opportunity to elect a government of their choice, its sponsors must be aware of the danger of political upheaval on a major scale.

Peronism remains strong, although the term may not mean what it did in the years of General Peron’s spendthrift dictatorship. Peron, after 20 years in power, was forced to flee the country when the Army took over government in 1955. From his exile in Spain he still exercises a powerful influence over Argentina’s underprivileged millions. In every free election since Peron’s flight, the Peronists have polled something like a third of the votes. To many Argentinians General Ongania’s only justification for seizing power four years ago was that the Peronists had won a resounding electoral victory. The dictator’s return, in the view of the military leaders, could no more be tolerated than could a return to Peronism.

Trade union support for Peronism has always been strong. The unions have resisted all attempts to curb inflation and to check overstaffing in industry; and many union leaders, anxious to protect their own places of privilege, would cheerfully work for PeAn’s return. A militant reformist sector of the Roman Catholic Church, styling itself the Third World Movement, has organised to fight what it describes as the corruption and venality of the Peronist labour movement. Guerrilla groups are active in various parts of the country: some profess allegiance to Peronism or Communism: some openly follow the Cuban line and are believed to have Castro’s support. They rob banks, seize payrolls and attack military installations. The Peronists are thought to be the largest group: but General Ongania asserts that they are heavily infiltrated by “ Castroists and Maoists ”. Any return to democratic government seems impracticable while these chaotic conditions persist. General Aramburu, the former President, who was recently kidnapped by Peronist guerrillas, said just before his disappearance that democracy in Argentina was dead. It is at least apparent that another election could produce, once again, a massive vote for Peronism. The leaders of the latest coup may therefore have to set their programme of reforms, if they have one, on a more or less permanent basis. General Ongania has gone: but the signs are that only another dictatorship can replace him.