The Malaysians—III RACIAL AND ECONOMIC THREATS TO STABILITY

Press, Volume CV, Issue 31043, 26 April 1966, Page 16

The Malaysians—III RACIAL AND ECONOMIC THREATS TO STABILITY

<B» a reporter of "The Press" who recently visited South-east Asia an the inaugural flight of Air New Zealand.J

The threat to peace in Malaysia and Singapore from other nations such as Indonesia and Communist China is generally understood; but outside South-east Asia not many people are aware of the tensions within these newly-independent, multi-racial states. In New Zealand the Government must deal with sectional pressure groups—manufacturers and importers, fanners and manufacturers, professional associations and unions, all of which have to be appeased. But our politicians do not have to face the fearsome problems which arise in Malaysia and Singapore from racial divisions as well as economic pressure groups.

In New Zealand, the government is expected to see that a fair share of the national income goes to each section of the community. In Malaysia and Singapore, the leaden have also to deal with demands from different races. The difference in racial structure between Malaya and Singapore was a prime reason for the agreement reached on August 9 for Singapore to withdraw from the Malaysian Federation and become an independent republic. In Singapore, 80 per cent of the 2 million population is Chinese. Only 10 per cent are Malays, 8 per cent are Indians and 2 per cent are of other races (including Europeans). Conservative Malayans Most of the inhabitants of political Malaya are ethnically Malayans. The Malayans and their leaders are, under British influence, traditionalists. The Chinese inhabitants of Singapore are traders. They care little for the traditions of their adopted country, though they maintain many of the traditions of China—even after several generations of residence in Singapore. If local customs and laws hinder trade the Chinese will, if they have their way, alter local customs and laws. After the rather hasty formation of the Malaysian Federation it soon became apparent that the Buddhist Chinese of Singapore and the Moslem Malays of Malaya interpreted differently the agreements reached in the drawing-up of Malaysian constitution. It was freely acknowledged both in Singapore and Malay last month that if the two had not agreed to separate they would have come to blows. There is no doubt that the Malayan leaders feared the Chinese ruthlessness and acumen in business, and considered that the Chinese could take over almost all commerce in the Malay peninsula, as they have done in Singapore. It is equally clear that the Chinese in Singapore considered that the Malay cautiousness towards change was a drag on progress, both economically and nationally. Considering these fundamental differences in character and outlook, it came as no surprise last

month when the Indonesians made friendly overtures towards Singapore whMe at the same time emphasising that they would continue the confrontation policy towards Malaysia. Brunei Restive The Indonesian offer hits at the crux of the problem: is the separation of Malaysia and Singapore temporary or permanent. If the separation is permanent, what reason can the Tunku give for the continued federation of Malaya, Sarawak, Sabah and Brunei? Brunei has already declared its liking for independence without the federation. Sarawak and Sabah together have a 900-mile jungle frontier with Indonesian Borneo. The Malayan, British and Commonwealth troops there spend more time convincing the Dyaks, Ibins and members of indigenous races that they will get a better deal within the Malaysian Federation than under Indonesia. “The natives know nothing of politics and care less. If the Indons (Indonesians) can convince them they have a better chance of three square meals a day, they will change over. Fortunately, the Indons are in such an economic mess themselves, the Dyaks and others don’t believe them," a New Zealand Army officer said. An Indian merchant in Penang said that the Chinese businessmen there would do anything for any person of any nationality provided it brought them (the Chinese) money. A Chinese newspaperman in Singapore, said that the Indians would live under any regime rather than stir themselves. “Business Before Country” A European hotel manager in Kuala Lumpur said that the Chinese in Singapore were interested in nothing but making money. A Malay tin miner in Ipoh said that the Chinese would put business before country. A Chinese company director in Singapore said the Malays had no business sense and no ambition. The Chinese, traditionally, have taken no interest in the politics of the country of their adoption, but have remained exiles from their homeland, with all Interest in nationalism centred in their homeland—as demonstrated by their ancestor worship. They have remained a community apart in the countries of their adoption. However, newspapermen and diplomats in both Malaya and Singapore regard the decision of Singapore to withdraw from Malaysia as the first sign of Chinese interest in the politics of the country of their adoption. Future events within the republic are awaited with interest and some trepidation. Prime Minister Lee has already had to deal with some extremist elements among the younger Chinese on the island.

Although it is unlikely that the Chinese in Singapore will give away their newly-won independence, nor accept at face value promises made by a country so bankrupt as Indonesia, it is very probable that some sharp and violent moves towards a change of form in the government of Singapore will occur shortly. May Day Riots? It will come as no surprise if democracy in Singapore, through which the republic acquired independence, is replaced by a communistic form of rule. May Day can be expected to bring riots. In Malaya, the emphasis on democracy has lessened and emphasis is being placed on sovereignty and nationalism. The Government has spent millions on national edifices— Parliament buildings in Kuala Lumpur, the national war memorial, and the national museum. All these and many other grandiose buildings are designed to instil a sense of nationhood in the young generation of multi-racial citizens. Only time will tell whether this is money well spen‘. Given 20 years of peace, it would seem a safe bet that they will be a good investment, for schoolchildren all over the country have a pride of nationhood instilled into them by lessons, on the radio, on television and on visits to national memorials and government buildings. By 1967, the constitution calls for the Malay language to be the only official language. English will be —is already being—cut out of school curriculums. Even this appears injudicious from the commerlcal point of view, and difficult to enforce on isolated ethnical groups in remote parts of Malaysia. However, the visitor can appreciate the objective Of binding groups of different races into a whole that has pride of nationhood. Unequal Wealth The distribution of the wealth over the whole of the social structure at the same time giving equal sstisfac tioif to the communal riv .Is (Malays, Chinese, Indians) is the biggest internal problem facing Malaysia. The advancement in material living conditions in Kuala Lumpur is obvious—has the same been done for Sabah? The explosive Internal situation within Malaysia is likely to erupt when the leaders of the different communities fall out over economic measures affecting one race more favourably than another. This situation contrasts with Singapore's, there internal danger is likely to stem from sympathies with the ideology of Communist China. It is clear that Britain and the Commonwealth countries, and now Japan, aiding both countries, consider that the dangers within Malaysia and Singapore, although influenced by outside pressure, are greater than the dangers without.