Liberals’ Manifesto

Press, Volume LXXXVI, Issue 26032, 8 February 1950, Page 4

Liberals’ Manifesto

The General Election manifesto of • the British Liberal Party has inter- , est and importance as the campaigning platform of a party which may have an important effect on this month’s General Election in Britain. But it is difficult to discover in it precisely what distinctive appeal present-day (official) Liberalism in Britain is purported to have. Though features of distinctive appeal do indeed show up in ; a few places in the manifesto, in many more places it appears to aim at making capital out of dissatisfaction with, the Conservative and Labour Parties, attaching unattached voters to the ranks of Liberal Party voters, and, winning to the Liberal Party voters in a mood “to try something else”. Patently the party’s desire is to be all things to all men (and women). This, of course, is characteristic of most i election manifestos—up to a point. The right and left wings in most , countries’ politics have a great deal in common in these times; but at ‘ a point they, do divide. In Britain > the Labour and Conservative > Parties divide emphatically on the i issue of more or less socialisation ; and nationalisation. The Liberals, i however, have a little both w&ys, . They “ oppose nationalisation for ■ “ the sake of nationalisation ” but > fearing, possibly, that this might ; push them, in the voter’s mind, into the camp of the right, they evolve a neat formula justifying nationalisation when “ monopoly and re- “ strictive practices ” rear their heads. The breadth of the Liberals’ , appeal is instanced again where it i is stated flatly that food subsidies must be cut, but that those “ suffer- ■ “ ing ” by reduction of subsidies i would be given more social security ; benefits. The industrial worker is to receive a share of increased profits “ as a matter of right but industrial employers are not left altogether in the cold. One immediate concession a Liberal Government would make “to benefit “ production’ ” would be to remove the profits tax on undistributed profits used to replace capital equipment. The broad appeal does not miss women voters. There is to be equal pay for equal work, and “ emphasis would be put on the pay *’ and conditions of women teachers i “ and nurses The manifesto achieves distinction when it presents the attitude of the present Liberal Party, presumably as heir of the once great free-trade party in British politics, to international trade. Claiming that “the protectionist policies of the Conserva- “ tive and Socialist Parties have “ handicapped Britain’s inter- “ national trade ever since a Liberal “ Government was last in office ”, the manifesto says that the Liberals ■ “ would reduce tariffs by stages ; “ until all are abolished It does i not say, however, whether it is pro--1 posed that Britain should do this in isolation and expose itself to des- ; perate risks, or whether it is hoped i to persuade the other nations of the : world to abandon quotas and finan- ■: cial restrictions as well as tariffs. , The manifesto is distinctive again ’in opposing peace-time conscription. This plank of the platform is based on a series of ex parte statements that merit a firmer test of validity than, for example, the dogmatic statement that “ peace-time “ conscription . . . creates inefficiency and denies regular service“men the pay and conditions to “ which they are entitled ”, It may prove that Liberals have not lightly entitled their manifesto “No Easy i“Way”.