MOLOTOV’S REPLY TO U.S.

Press, Volume LXXXIII, Issue 25085, 17 January 1947, Page 7

MOLOTOV’S REPLY TO U.S.

Conduct of Polish Elections THIRD BRITISH NOTE (N.Z. Press Association—Copyright) (Rec. 7 p.m.) LONDON, Jan. 15. The Moscow radio broadcast Mr Molotov’s reply to the Note from the United States Ambassador in Moscow (Lieutenant-General Bedell Smith), complaining that the Polish Government had violated the Yalta and Potsdam agreements. The Soviet Government declared that the United States Government had been guided by information supplied by Mr Mikolajczyk, the leader of the Polish Peasant Party, and had ignored the “terrorist activity ofysome members of Mr Mikolajczyk’s Peasant Party which was conducted with the aim of preventing the normal course of the election campaign.” The Soviet Note said the Polish Government would not have carried out its obligation to its people if it had failed to take measures against criminal elements in the interest of free democratic elections.

Britain has presented a third Note to Poland strongly protesting against the manner in which the election campaign is being conducted and giving a detailed reply to Poland’s Note replying to the second British Note. The latest Note was sent after consultation with Mr Cavendish-Bentinck, the British Ambassador in Warsaw. 1 It said that Britain did not claim any right to intervene in matters of purely Polish domestic concern, but the essential fact was that the Polish elections were the subject of international agreements and were of more than domestic concern.

The fact that all permitted parties were not represented on all electoral commissions at all levels appeared to be a serious gap in the electoral machinery which might open the way for the violation of the Crimean and Potsdam agreements, said the British Note.

The Polish Government, presumably, would not maintain that the elections were free and unfettered if some parties were denied equal facilities or were subject to arrests and discriminations. Britain, and no doubt the world generally, would judge the elections according to the manner in which they were actually conducted, but reports reaching the British Government of widespread arrests and discrimination were causing grave concern.

Britain, as required by the Potsdam agreement, withdrew recognition from the former Polish Government ’ in London immediately it recognised the Polish Government of National Unity. Former government members who were permitted to remain in England had been treated as private persona. They would be allowed to remain in Britain as long as they respected British law and they would have the personal freedom and rights enjoyed by all in Britain. It was, however, totally incorrect to say that any of them were employed as advisers to the British Government.

Britain, under the Potsdam agreement, was not obliged, as the Polish Note maintained, to hand over the Supreme Command of the Polish forces abroad. It had facilitated the return to Poland of those who wished to go. There could be no question of handing over, against their will, the great mass who were unwilling to return. The Polish Government itself was delaying the . repatriation of Poles abroad by inadequate arrangements. The rate of repatriation was lower than Britain wished. Britain regretted that Poland should have found it necessary to make a series of accusations and allegations, many of which were baseless and others relating* to questions still being negotiated. The Note concluded with the request that the Polish Government should permit its full publication in Poland.