Soviet-Polish Breach
It seems possible that as an outcome of the Moscow conference diplomatic relations will be re-estab-lished between Russia and the Polish Government in London; Both Britain and the United States have sought this, ever since the breach occurred last April, when the Polish Government offended the Soviet by listening to German stories of the massacre of Polish prisoners at Katyn. Just before the Moscow conference opened, the Soviet Government was said to have agreed in principle to resume relations; and the Polish Government is reported to have expressed a similar wish to Mr Eden before he left for Moscow. Moreover, General Sikorski’s work to bridge the gap has been carried on by his successor, Mr Mikolajczyk. “The Polish-Soviet problem is the “ paramount question of our foreign “ policy,” he said when he took office. “ The Polish Government “desires fruitful collaboration with “Russia, and we shall work to the “ best of our ability to pave a way “for a better future,” It is in Mr Mikolajczyk’s favour that his Government is the first purely civilian Government since Marshal Pilsudski’s coup d’etat in 1926; that his Cabinet includes representatives of the four largest Polish parties; and that, as was announced last week, the National Unity Agreement, reached at a secret meeting in Poland, pledges the four parties to co-operate until a constitutional legislature has been restored by democratic elections in Poland. In addition, the Peasant Party led by Mr Mikolajczyk has always urged closer friendship with Russia, and •its parliamentary boycott of 'the pre-war regime in Poland was lifted only when it voted for the non-aggression pact with the Soviet.
Mr choice of Mr Romex; as Foreign Minister was another encouraging development, for Mr Romer’s record while Ambassador to the Soviet strengthened his standing with Moscow. It is significant, too, that General Sikorski’s successor as commander-in-chief of the Polish forces, General Kukiel, held that post for only a brief term, for it was General Kukiel who, appealed to the International Red Cross to investigate the German charges of Russian guilt at Katyn. There are, however, uncertain factors. It is not clear, for instance, what support the Soviet Government gives to the Union of Polish Patriots in Moscow, or whether this organisation opposes the Government in London. It is clear, though, that the territorial aims of the patriot union are more acceptable to the Soviet than those of the Polish Government. The National Unity Agreement defined one of Poland’s aims as the acquisition of western and northern frontiers to guarantee her wide access to the sea; but the eastern frontier, about which Poland and Russia are not agreed, was to be kept inviolate. The Union of Polish Patriots, on the other hand, is willing to cede territory in the east if compensation is given in the west by returning Silesia and the mouths of the Vistula and making East Prussia Poland’s outlet to the Baltic. The existence of one-Polish organisation whose aims are obviously the more acceptable to Russia may explain why British and American diplomacy has failed to bring the Soviet .and Polish Governments together. But political manoeuvre of this kind promises ill, and the United Nations will move slowly, too slowly, in planning the peace until this initial deadlock is removed. Russia and Poland have other major problems to be settled in concert, and time is not unlimited.
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Press, Volume LXXIX, Issue 24092, 30 October 1943, Page 4
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558Soviet-Polish Breach Press, Volume LXXIX, Issue 24092, 30 October 1943, Page 4
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