The Press. THURSDAY, MARCH 12, 1896. AUSTRALIAN FEDERATION.

Press, Volume LIII, Issue 9363, 12 March 1896, Page 4

The Press. THURSDAY, MARCH 12, 1896. AUSTRALIAN FEDERATION.

The question of the federation of the Australian colonies continues to occupy the attention ,of her public men. Whether the movement ha 3 yet become popular is another question! That point will be made apparent later on, when the matter comes to be dealt with by the electors of the various colonies under the provisions of the Enabling Acts. That such a result will, however, be realised in the near future is becoming daily more probable. The recent complications in which Great Britain has been involved have undoubtedly impressed on the minds of those responsible for the safety of the colonies the need of unity of action in all matters of defence. At. the Conference of Premiers, held the other day, the necessity for combined action in the control qf the local forces was unanimously admitted, and it was resolved to make preliminary arrangements if possible to enable those forces to be utilised in any part of the Continent. This is a practical step in the direction of federation which must commend itself to all thoughtful men. There are other matters, it is true,s regarding which, joint action is desirable, but they are insignificant in the presence of the supreme* necessity of guarding against a hostile attack from ah enemy. Whether, however, the danger was sufficient to rouse the people to immediate .efforts we do not know. Any time during the last few weeks war might have" broken out, and would, we are afraid, have found the colonies more or less unprepared. But the danger to the safety of the Empire has at least so roused the public at Home to the need for increased defence, that the Imperial Parliament has practically unanimously assented to a very large expenditure on the Navy. The protests of the Little Englandera have not been listened to even with patience, and we have no doubt that a very much larger - expenditure would' have" been as cheerfully voted as the amount which has actually been, set aside. We are not at all certain, however, that the people of these colonies are equally alive to the gravity of the position. If they are, no doubt * the federation movement will spread from the politicians to the people, and be carried with ai rush.

We notice thatjn the discussions on the subject frequent reference has been made to the position of New Zealand, and several public men have spoken somewhat contemptuously of our determination to keep apart. It must be apparent, however, that as regards local defence this colony must necessarily... act entirely on its own account.. r There is no possibility of utilising? s the land forces of Australia to assisf'New Zealand in the event of sudden attack, and it would b9 equally impossible for us to assist Australia in a similar event. And as mutual self-defence must necessarily be the great reason" which will induce the colonies to agree to a scheme of federation, that incentive is absent in our case. There is, of course, naval defence xo be considered. But ►the control of the war ships

on the Australian station is in the hands of the Imperial authorities, anil New Zealand never hesitated about voting her share of the cost of increasing the strength of that squadron. It is apparent, therefore, that this colony can gain nothing in the matter of protection against sudden attack by becoming part of federated Australia, and in other respects we should undoubtedly suffer were we to place tha control of our local affairs in the hands of a Dominion Parliament carrying on its deliberations in Sydney or Melbourne. The people of New Zealand heartily sympathise with the Australian public men in their desire to bring into existence a great Dominion Government. A Parliament dealing with the whole of Australasia would, no doubt, largely elevate the tone of public life and materially widen the scope of legislation. And were it not for the overwhelming objections which present themselves, New Zealand public men would largely gain by taking part in the government of such a Dominion. As the drawbacks to our joining in the movement are at present at any rate insurmountable we must be content with carving out our own destiny in our own way. Much, nevertheless, might be done in creating a real national spirit could our statesmen only realise that they have a worthier and nobler duty to discharge than to occupy themselves merely with devising means to retain power and place by pandering to the lowest instincts of the least enlightened in the community. Even such a vital question as self - defence is dealt with in a manner which shows that the national safety and the very existence of the people as an organised community are of quite minor importance to obtaining votes at a general election. Surely it ought to be possible to place such a question as this outside the region of party politics, and to approach it alone from the point of view of the welfare and safety of the State. In this connection, too, more ought to be done in the matter of naval defence. Situated as New Zealand is, she must largely depend for her safety on the naval forces of the empire. We contribute a small sum annually towards the cost of the Australian squadron. Why not materially increase our contribution towards naval defence? Such an offer would be eagerly accepted by the Imperial Government as a proof of our desire and determination to bear our share in the defence of the Empire ; and we would, we feel sure, receive the most generous treatment in the shape of increased naval protection were we to submit any proposal of the kind. We must of course protect our shores against a sudden attack, and must consequently keep our land defences I in order. But jt is to the Navy that we must look for the protection of our commerce, and the preservation of the State.