The Press. MONDAY, FEBEUABY 18, 1880.

Press, Volume XLVI, Issue 7237, 18 February 1889, Page 4

The Press. MONDAY, FEBEUABY 18, 1880.

Wβ have , wondered once or twice whether Prince Bhjcarck considers this Samoan question as "worth the bones of a Pomeranian grenadier. , * Ife i is true that it ia now understood that the Prince has yielded to theopposition of the United States, and that the! matters lately in dispute are to be I referred to a Conference. But this is not the first time, it must be remem-' bered, that a Conference has been held j respecting the affairs of Samoa; and upon the last occasion, namely, in 1887,' Germany did not allow it to interfere with proceedings so high-

handed aa those which have recently been recorded in our columns. The truth ie, that in the still nascent development of German colonial enterprise, German inteTests at Samoa have been to her out of all proportion to any which can be supposed to attach to either Great Britain or the United States. Her merchants have held in their hands the principal trade of Samoa for a period now of fully thirty years. English interests perhaps come next, but so far as they are concerned it has been the case that she has been in a position to give up what was of great value to Germany and little or no sacrifice to herself, and in which Germany on the other hand was unquestionably able to acknowledge the boon by important concessions elsewhere. England and Germany therefore have had no difficulty in understanding one another as to the line of policy to be pursued by both in regard to the affairs of Samoa. With regard to the United States the case has been different. Her interests in Samoa, small as they are, are not, we suppose, to be given away for nothing, and in the position which the United States has so long maintained towards Europe by virtue of the Monroe doctrine, it is difficult to imagine any practical ofler which Germany could make to her. At this moment, too, it almost seems as if I anything in the shape of a reasonable ground of quarrel with a foreign power would be a political godsend to both parties in the United States. It might help the Democrats ito get over the discredit of ! their late defeat in the Presidential i contest. It would certainly supply the Kepublicans with a means of expending some of the idle millions in their treasury, and might thus put off yet a while longer the inevitable relaxation of their protective system. As between the two Powers a war on the part of Germany against America is of all things to be avoided by the former. So much cannot be said as regards a war on the part of the United States against Germany. The probability, therefore, is that on the present occasion Prince Bismabck will find it his best policy to abate his pretensions. In coming to this conclusion we certainly are not biassed by prepossessionagainst the Prince's course of action generally with regard to Samoa. We have not before us the lateet papers of the three Governments in relation to i Samoan affairs, and without seeing what all three have to say upon the subject, it is impossible to be satisfied that one has really the whole case to decide upon. There is a paper in the Nineteenth by our friend Mr. W. L. Kkbs, entitled "German Conduct in Samoa," and written with an undisguised determination to make the worst of the case against the agents of the German Government. We are sorry to say it, but really the impression produced upon ourselves by a careful study of it has been to create the suspicion that King Mαlibtoa has brought most of his misfortunes upon himself by a confidence unwisely placed in Sir George Gbby in the first instance, and afterwards in Mr. W. L. Rbbs himself. Sir Gborgb Gbbt'b views regarding the South Pacific are well known, and are duly lauded in the present article, and unless our memory misleads us the petition by King Mauetoa, of which bo muoh is made in the article, lor annexation by Great Britain, originated also in New Zealand. We need not Bay that no advice could be more inconsistent with the policy at that time of the English Colonial Office, nor more certain to bring upon the King, in the event of its inevitable failure, some such treaty as that which he was immediately forced by Germany to swallow in 1884. With regard to Mr. Rebs himself he is evidently proud of hie success in having persuaded King Mametoa to place himself under the protection of the American Consul, and of having induced that gentleman to accept the charge. Mr. Kkbs bases the advice thus given by him upon his view of a,clause in the treaty between Samoa and the United States, which binds the latter to employ its "good offices" for the purpose of adjusting differences with other Powers — a clause which he thinks obliges the States "to fulfil to the extreme limit the meaning which the Samoan king might, in a time of peril, place upon the terms used." Mr. Rees is very strong upon this novel canon of construction, and the fact that the States Government thought fit to commence operations by immediately disavowing the act of its consul, does not appear to disturb his complacency. It certainly does seem to us that assuming the fact to be, as Mr. Ekes insists throughout his paper, that King Maltbtoa had on his part griefs to complain of against his German allies, he certainly contrived to put himself most fearfully in the wrong by two such acts as we have here been speaking of ; and for having done them he has unhappily to thank his New Zealand advisers.

When these discussions first began, German interests in Samoa were of more importance relatively than they would now perhaps be considered. Samoa may still be a convenient nursery from which to operate upon the north of New Guinea, but it is tolerably apparent that the East Coast of Africa has now greater attractions for German energy, and is likely, we cannot but think, to develop into a far more important station for German commerce and immigration than can for many long years be the case in this part of th* world. It is highly desirable notf only in the interests of Germany, but let us add of Great Britain as a colonial power, that Germany should' be encouraged to found colonies. She needs them in order not so mnch to get rid of her surplus population —she does that any way—but to find for them homes beyond the sea, where they will become sources of wealth and power to herself. It is also for the interest of Great Britain, because every colony founded by Germany will, at least during the period of its nonage, be one pledge the more for her keeping the peace.

We are pleased to learn that the Com' mittee appointed at Saturday's meeting, convened for the purpose of considering what form of welcome should be afforded to Admiral Fairfax and the officers of the Squadron, are setting vigorously to work to make the citizens' ball—the form of welcome decided upon—a complete success. No efforts are being spared on the part of the

Committee to make the fc»n i thoroughly enjoyable oae a I remains with the citizens' 0 £ I church to do their part. The wT » preparation is necessarily ehorfc, butfl I that very reason we trust • wjU be put forth to give agj Fairfax and his officers & eTfoT and hearty welcome. A Britiah<W munity has always, when occaeW offered, shown a deep interest i n *C Navy, and the AnstraUan coW have of late given practical proofs their sense of its usefulness by agreetno to pay a largo sum annually in orde to secure permanently in theae waten the presence of a powerful fleet, ty recognise that the protection of H» Navy is essential to the safety of «, 8 large aud ever growing commerce khA are therefore prepared to make some sacrifices in order to obtain that protection. The visit of the squads,, to Lyttelton Harbor is a fitting tunity for the people of this part of the colony to mark our cense of the value of the Navy, and at the time to extend a hearty welcome to a branch of the service which has done so much to render the name of Britain famous in the paat, and which ia, we may be sure, resolved to maintain that prestige in tho future.