AIM OF JAPAN.
STABILISING POLICY. HER GUIDING PRINCIPLE. PROBLEMS FOE THE CABINET. (By HIROSHI CLARKE KAWAKAMI.) TOKYO, June 10. Declaring that the aim of Japan's foreign policy is to improve her relations with all her neighbours and that such apparently disquieting incidents as occur now and then in North China or along the Siberian and Mongolian borders are but ripples on tlio surface, "beneath which lies deep and placid water, Prince Fumimaro Konoye, President of the House of Peers, foremost among Japan's younger statesmen, by common consent her future Prime Minister, discussed with this correspondent some of the vital questions confronting his country to-day. Among these were the agrarian problem, the League of Nations, the European situation and Japan's attitude toward Germany, Russia and China.
Emperor Hiroliito, in the dark hours following the Tokyo military rebellion of February 26, commanded Prince Konoye to organise a new Cabinet. Though the condition of his health then did not permit him to assume the reins of Government, he is destined to take the helm some day.
Many political observers confidently predict that, in the event of Premier Hirota's resignation, the prince will be the logical successor. Forty-four years of age, the prince looks even younger. He is not of the Imperial blood, "prince" in this case denoting the highest rank in the Japanese nobility.
Prince Konoye's family, always close to the Imperial house, boasts a lineage going back ten centuries. His father, Atsumaro Konoye, also president of the House of Peers in his day, was a farseeing statesman, believing in the resurgence of Asia's past greatness.
Prince Konoye received your correspondent at his private residence, which stands on a ridge not far from the Prime Minister's official minision, where Premier Inukai was assassinated in May, 1932, and where only last February Premier Okada's son-in-law was mistaken for the Premier and was shot dead by the army roods.
Throughout the interview tho prince spoke in Japanese. Naturally, for the following English version of his answers your- correspondent assumes entire responsibility.
"Is there likely to be any change in Japan's foreign policy as a result of the recent manifestation of disaffection in a section of the army?" he was asked. ; • ' Live and Let Live. The prince reminded me that lie was not a Cabinet member, and that no outsider could pretend to know what the Cabinet was going to do. But he sa,id he felt justified in saying there would be little change in Japan's foreign policy in the years immediately ahead. "The guiding principle of our foreign policy," he continued, "is to secure the stabilisation of Eastern Asia and to foster cordial relations with all countries. We hope thus to make a real contribution. toward world peace and human- welfare. This was made plain in the Imperial rescript issued on the occasion of our withdrawal from the League of Nations. Mr. Hirota, first as Foreign Minister and now as Premier, is no doubt following this general principle. As between Japan and China he wants established a mutually sincere and whole-hearted co-operation on the basis of give and take, live and let live.
"That means that China must cease to-foment or keep alive anti-Mancliukuo and anti-Japanese agitation. She must also cease to plot with outside Powers against us. Then Japan, on her part, will extend to China both moral and material aid and will co-operate with her in the suppression of the Communistic rebellions which have harassed China these eight years.
"As to Soviet Russia, Japan's policy, as pursued by Mr. Hirota, is to eliminate one by one the causes of friction with a, view to putting the relations between the two nations upon a secure foundation of mutual friendliness. We have settled the thorny question of North Manchuria (Chinese Eastern) railway with Russia, and are now endeavouring to solve the problems arising out of the ambiguity of border demarcation of Manchukuo's territory. I have no doubt such "matters will be amicably adjusted."
The next question was: "Will Japan's naval stand interfere with her friendly relations with the United States and England?
"No," he replied without hesitation. "I am confident that time will solve the naval question without disturbing the traditional friendship between the Three Sea Powers. Japan will stand by the naval principle as stated in our Government's response to the invitation to the recent London naval conference. We said that 'the true key to the maintenance and promotion of world pcace can be discovered only when the Powers mutually give full consideration to one another's vital needs and natural requirements, and when they carry out thorough limitation of armaments in such a way as to make a state of nonaggression and non-menace for all among them.'
Question for League to Answer. "As for Japan and the United States, the two nations, as Mr. Hirota has said, 'are geographically so situated that they possess each a special sphere of activities of her own that it is impossible that they should ever come to a collision.' Certainly it is foolish to assume that the two nations, just because tlicy have not found a common formula for naval reduction, will fall out, or that they will embark npon a reckless building competition. I can foresee 110 such competition unless, of course, other Powers choose to start one."
"Will Japan under the Ilirota Cabinet follow a policy of international co-opera-tion, and, if so, is there a possibility that she will rejoin the League of Nations?" your correspondent asked. "I can test answer these questions," •said the Prince, "by referring once again to the Imperial rescript issued March 27, 1933, when we formally retired from the League of Nations. It said that by withdrawing from the League and embarking on a course of its own, 'our Empire does not mean that it will stand aloof in the extreme Orient, nor that it will isolate itself thereby from the fraternity of nations. It is our desire lo promote mutual confidence between our Empire and all other Powers and to make known the justice of its cause throughout the world.' "This," the Prince explained, "is the xpirit which has been and will continue to be observed by us. As to whether Japan may or may not eventually
return to the League, it i-j too early eveu to ask the question. I feel, moreover, it is a question for the League rather than fur us to answer. The [>ower and prestige of the League have suffered most severely on account of its utter inability to deal effectively with the Ttalo-Etliiopiiin dispute."
"Is there," ho was asked, '"'an' agreement of alliance between Japan and Germany, and, even if there is no such agreement, is Japan's relationship with Germany likely to be strengthened as a result of Japan's apparent friction with Russia and as a lesult of Germany's desire to offset the Soviet menace';" Germany and Japan Getting Together. The Prince replied, "Th-j existence of Mich an agreement has been officially denied both in Tokyo and in Berlin. However, it fact that some of our unbiassed observers hold the recently concluded Franco-Soviet pact responsible in some measure for the unfortunate state of affairs now prevailing along the Soviet-Manchukuo frontier. They maintain that, although the pact ostensibly excuses the Far Fast from its scope, it lias, aa a matter of fact, enabled the Soviet to make :i huge concentration of troops on the Siberian border. I think it is not unnatural for these critics to favour a rapprochement between Japan and Germany, and even urge it upon the Government." "Do you believe that, even in the event of a general European war, Japan would not fight Russia in the Far East?"
"At present," the Prince said, "I can conceive 310 circumstance which might compel us to figlit Russia even in the event of war in Europe. Mr. Hirota ha-s consistently, urgeel upon Russia the institution of a joint commission for the clear der-fueation of the Mancliu-kuo-Siberian boundary, and also the establishment of a demilitarised zone along the border. As we understand it, Mr. Hirota thinks such measures must precede any such agreement as a 11011aggression pact, and 1 think 110 is right. "Xo one can doubt- Mr. Hirota's wisdom.in this respect if he ponders the European situation, which is becoming increasingly alarming on the question of the armament and fortification of the Franco-German border zone. It is our policy to eliminate causes of friction through diplomatic negotiations. Despite many alarmist rumours in Europe and America, nothing is further from our thought than to embark upon an aggressive policy." Changing from the international to the internal affairs of Japan, the writer asked. "Is there growing internal unrest in Japan, due to acute distress in farming districts, and is this likely to affect "the Hirota. Cabinet's foreign policy ?"
Too Many People for the Area,
"There is an agrarian question," the prince replied, "although I doubt that the condition is so serious as to be called unrest. ' You will recall that in 1932 a special session of tho diet was called to consider agrarian relief. Finance Minister Takahashi then contemplated expending 1,000,000.000 yen over a period of three years. But the diet passed a bill appropriating only 170,000,000 yen for one Year. This sum was reduced to 159,200,000 yen in 1933. In 1934 it was cut down to 79,400,000 yen.
''This is bound to be one. of the Cabinet's most difficult problems. Behind this problem is a deeper and more fundamental question. The inescapable fact is that our arable area is too small, and our population too large. And it does not eeem possible to find suitable room for our emigrants in the face of the Powers' exclusive policy. ''The only thing we could do immediately is to promote our industries and expand our foreign trade, so that we mijrht divert some' of our farming population to "the factories. But here again we encounter obstacles and barriers in tho form of prohibitive tariffs and various restrictive laws adopted by other nations, in spite of the undisputed fact that our goods are welcomed and eagerly sought by tho peoples of the countries to which they are exported. This is especially true in the case of the colonies governed by the Western Powers. "However, we must exercise patience and keep on negotiating in a friendly spirit. Wo are confident that in the end we shall have a better hearing. The fact that in America and England there are not a few forward looking men, who recognise the injustice in. tho present distribution of resources among the rations, encourages ns in taking this sanguine view." —X.A.N.A.
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Auckland Star, Volume LXVII, Issue 173, 23 July 1936, Page 20
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1,766AIM OF JAPAN. Auckland Star, Volume LXVII, Issue 173, 23 July 1936, Page 20
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