HOME RULE FOR IRELAND.

Auckland Star, Volume XX, Issue 179, 30 July 1889, Page 2

HOME RULE FOR IRELAND.

A heavy batch of correspondence on this subject has accumulated. We give the chief points :— "Owen Roe " writes : " Although ifc has been solemnly and repeatedly stated by the 'advocates of Home Rule thab the Irish people do nob want separation from England, some senseless alarmisb rushes into print and tells us that lie knows better. But those ludicrous assertions thab appoar from time to time in the columns of the daily press do no harm to the cause of Ireland ; they merely excite laughter and contempt amongst all inbelligent and highminded colonists. The mosb amusing

statement, however, in connection with the question is that the claims of the vast majority of the Irish people should not be considered, but thab the demands of ' the miserable minority' should be hearkened to,—that is, the landlords, the Irish police and emergency men, et hoc genus omne, should go on ruling the people until Ireland becomes a wilderness. Bufc why should the Tory-Unionists dread tho approach of the Irish delegates ? All their blatant harangues and ultra-loyal protestations cannot stop bhe mighty tide of progress which is rushing onward and breaking down all the old barriers to advancement and reform. Liberty is raising her head and proclaiming, in triumphant tones, freedom to the world, while Tyranny is trembling ab her approaching doom. Tho enemies of the industrial classes are stricken with dismay ; fchey sco their end is not far distant, and, in their despair, they frantically endeavour to raise the demon of religious strife. But all in vain. The toiling masses are wifch us, and we care nob who else is againsb us. The dispute between landlords and tenants in Ireland may be compared to a great strike of the working classes against the unbearable injustice of some tyrannical employers. Now, suppose thafc a large number of working men had their wages reduced so low thab they and their families were compelled to eat seaweed for food and lie on a little straw sbrewn on a damp earthen floor, wifch no covering save the scanty clothes they wore ab work, and that the employer (being tho landlord) evicted themf rom their miserable homes because they •could nob pay bim his renb—old, and young, andsick in bhe depth of winter—andthafcthe neighbours were prevented by fche cruel and remorseless landlord from giving them a night's shelter from the rain and sleeb. I ask you, whafc would you expecb those strikers bo do? What; would you do under the circumstances, with no money, no foodi no shelter, and your famishing wife and hungry children crying around you ? You would at least strive to bring public opinion to bear on your grievance, and you would expect human sympathy and help to shield you from the cruelty of your oppressors. So ib is, and so ifc has been for ages wibh tho poor Irish peasantry, They have suffered long and patiently, but nob in vain; for bheir v/ail of sorrosv and distress has pierced the heart of humanity in every quarter of the globe, and has evoked the sympathy and supporb of all liberty-loving people. It is on behalf of the evicted tenants that the Irish delegates are travelling over the world, asking the humane and charitable to help these victims of the lack-renting Irish landlords. Yet we are told by an insignificant coterie of landlord sympathisers that we should close our doors against those humane gen blemen, and burn a deaf ear to their appeal for aid to their famishing brethren. Shame on those who would thus dare to disgrace the fair fame ot our adopted land ! No one can read unmoved tho evidence given before the Parnell - "Times" Commission by Bartholomew Canavan, a paid Government official residing in Ireland. Iv bhe course of his examination, he said :—

' I wa3 Relieving Officer; I have known people so miserably poor that thoy died of starvation. One marning I found two dead bodies lying on the roadway, and I attended an inquest on two children who died on the roadside. The bodies wero put in a barn, and were partly eaten by rat 3. In one instance, I found tbe body of a famished woman, and her child was sucking at tlie breast of the dead mother. . . I took thirty dead bodies to the grave in bags.1 Well, how long shall this go on ? Until the people of Ireland get leave to make their own laws, as we do here in New Zealand. Do not blame us if we strive, by every legitimate means, to put a stop once and for all to those heartrending scenes thab are oi' periodical occurrence in that long-suffering country. Rather lot us send them substantial help and words of encouragement,bidding them have patience, for their deliverance is within measurable distance; for Mr Gladstone ancl his English and Scottish followers are marching onward to victory."

" Thames " says : " I would remind your readers fchat Ireland did for many years enjoy (?) Home Rule. And from the days of Queen Elizabeth unfcil tho rebellion iv 1795, Ireland was the constant scene of disorder, conflict and murder. In 1641 a horrible rebellion broke , oufc; every abrocifcy possible to conceive : was committed. There were 154,000 men, women and children murdered, as is acknowledged by the priests appointed to j collect the numbers. (Report of the Lords Justices and Council to the King, March 16, 16-13.) From this time till 1798 the country was in a state of chronic rebellion and commotion, culminating in tho great rebellion and dreadful slaughter. All thi3 time Ireland had her own Parliament and Home Rule. In 1801, the Union of Ireland with England was effected. The Irish Parliament was abolished and the peers and members compensated for their loss of seat 3 and influence. Since thab time the government of Ireland has been identical with thafc of Great Britain. Ifc is represented in the Imperial Parliament by 28 members in the House of Lords and 103 in the House of Commons. During the last 50 years, many things have been done to benefit Ireland, — bo wib, the opening of Queen's Colleges in Belfast, Cork, and Galway, the endowment of Maynoofch College to the amount of £364,000, the passing of the Catholic Emancipation Bill, opening every office in fche State from the Governor-General of India down to the youngest cadefc. The passing of the Encumbered Estates Bill was a greab boon to Ireland, relieving the landowners to the extent of £25,190,839. Ii eland was for many years exempted from payment of income tax. Ever since agitators have been active to bring aboub again 'Home Rule,' which really means 'Rome Rule.' Notwithstanding Ireland's disloyalty and sufferings from famines, England has invariably and generously aided her with money and food. The climate and soil are specially favourable for agriculture. Manufactures and fisheries once were flourishing, and ifc only needs a little common industry and tact to restore them to full vigour. Leb the admirers of Home Rule read the history of Ireland when she had Home Rule, and compare that time wifch'the 90 years which have elapsed since the Union, and I think they will come to the conclusion thab Home Rule is nob good for Ireland." .....

"Veritas " writes: "I challenge tbe socalled Loyalists to show that ab the various meetings held by those sympathising with Home Rule one discordant utterance calculated to set colonists Ut variance with one another. Contiast this with the tone of the recent' Loyalist' meeting. I ask if remarks of this kind tend to promote thab end which he professes to have in views. 'The Irish are Bteeped in ignorance.' 'It is but tho low and ignorant who vote for Home Rulers.' ' Home Rule means extermination of fche Protestants.' 'We don'b wanb to fighb, bub by jingo if we do.' Charitable and noble sentiments from the gentlemen who from the house tops declaim against the fanning ot discord in our midst. What a paradox is not thia ! Let the opponents of Home Rule discuss this great question, for ib is a greab quesbion, bub in doing so I enjoin upon them to discard from it thafc obnoxious element for which they profess so much abhorrence."

" Old Liberal " observes :—" I am glad to see the spirit of their fathers animating the young colonials in their energy in promoting the cause of Homo Rule for Ireland. They are jusb the sorb of stuff thab won tho great battles of England—the Scottish Highlanders, the gallant Six Hundred and the Royal Irish Fusiliers (the Fagh-a-Ballagh boys), and they are as eager as fcheir fathers were to stand between England and her enemies. But, sir, wibh all

their loyalty and devotion to the Crown they cannob stand aloof and see the Celtic race annihilated without entering their emphatic protest. They are determined as far as in their power to aid the poor evicted tenants of wild Donegal, and will follow the advice of Mr Gladstone, Mr Morley, and Canon Wilberforce ; they will help on the cause of Home Rule for Ireland; and the attempt of the ToryUnionisb faction in Auckland to raise a bitter feeling against the Irish delegates and stifle freedom of speech will have the effect of bringing together every independent young colonial in Auckland.to secure for Messrs Dillon, Esmonde and Deasy a cordial and hearty welcome.

Perish the past—a generous land is the fair land

of ours, And enmity may no man see between its towns

and towers. Come join our hands, hero take our hands, now

shame on him that lingers, Merchant or pser, you havo no fear from labour's blistered fingers."

" Old Subscriber " ab Dargaville sends an exbracb from a speech made by Mr John Alberb Bright in connection with his candidature for Central Birmingham, in which he stated with regard to Mr Gladstone's scheme of Home Rule: "The only safe guard against the introduction of this unknown scheme is tho alliance between the Liberal and Conservative wings of the Unionist parby. It all depends on that whether we have this same scheme brought forward again ; and if we had ifc brought forward and passed, I venture to say that for ten or twenty years the House oi Commons would be occupied in the vain attempt to reconcile the incongruous {joints and details in such a scheme. Ib is a very curious thing that not only can we get no description of thi3 Home Rule Bill, bub they hardly ever talk about it, although ib is the great question of fche day. If you go round and asi£ fche j people in Ireland whafc they expecb from Home Rulo they all tell you what they oxpect is that they will get protection for their industries. Well, the injury done to their industries is nob through fche importation of things into Ireland, but through the importation of things into England ; ifc is through the importation of American and Indian produce, which competes with the things exported from Ireland and imported here. What good would protective duties do in Ireland? There is a great deal said, also, about the sympathy oi the United States with the Home Rule plan. Well, 1 should like to have an intelligent American statesman on fchis platform and ask him what would be the result if there were thirty or forty members of fche American Congress known to bo supported by English money for the purpose of favouring the introduction of freo trade into the Unibed States. Why, they would be kicked oub of bhe House oi Congress ab once ; and I cannob help blunting that all theso addresses which have been sent and resolutions which have beeu passed by various State Legislatures—and 1 am' afraid also by higher than State Legislatures — about tho introduction of Home Rule in Ireland, savoured a littlo of impertinence."

Mr W. E. Sadler writes : "All the intelligent of Europe, from the highest Emperor to the Mayor of tlie smallest borough in England, opine, and often say that Ireland, for two centuries, has been the most down-trodden country on tho earth. Such is published affirmation. Some of us believe thab indigenous organised selfgovernment is requisite to rectify tho wrong and to redress the grievous state and condition of that physically beautilul country. Ten millions of acres of land, in three instalments, during 140 years, were taken— stolen—from the people of Ireland, and today follows are cutting aboub Hyde Park, London, each drawing from Ireland seventy or eighty thousand titerling per annum ; and instead of a natural quiet increase ol population, up to about sixteen millions, the population lias dwindled during the lasb thirty years from eight millions to five. The tone of some of the speakers at the recent meeting in tho Insurance Building was amusing. They deprecated having here disturbing discussion on Irish allairs, and then instantly plunged into them, advocating gross, intolerable errors, wading into bhe dark, dirty swamp, and bespattering fetid mud all round. But, of course, ho° would be a very wicked agitator who would ask these patriots to desi.t. You may agitato and advocate stolid Toryism, bnt if you agitate the question of sellgovernment for societies ot human beings you aro an mjitator. 'Keep oub of Auckland advocatoe of tenets which / disbelieve !' Grand !! ! Cannot the great problem of self-govern-ment, by representation, for all countries and all societies, be manfully and philosophically discussed without constantly lugging in tho London pugilists and Irish a-tfassins? Should ifc be reckoned an impropriety to inquire whether ifc be fib and right for Auckland to send away South several hundred pounds every week constantly, to be mostly spent at Otago and Canterbury ? And would not self-govern-ment remedy all our political ills? Free discussion might possibly benefit. The problem, now to the fore, of autonomy for countries and distinct peoplos, should certainly be treated and argued independently and philosophically."