The Ashburton Guardian. Magna est Veritas, et Prævalebit. MONDAY, JULY 5, 1886. Homo Rule from a Colonial Standpoint.

Ashburton Guardian, Volume V, Issue 1280, 5 July 1886, Page 2

The Ashburton Guardian. Magna est Veritas, et Prævalebit. MONDAY, JULY 5, 1886. Homo Rule from a Colonial Standpoint.

No inconsiderable number of native bora colonists and others who are not conversant with Irish affairs seem to be impressed by the query propounded by colonial advocates of Mr Gladstone’s Home Rule proposals—why should not Ireland, if it had a Parliament of its own, become as prosperous and contented as, say, New Zealand? Perhaps the best answer to be given to this seductive query is to be (ound in the homely adage which tells us that what is one man’s meat is another

* man’s poison. No homogeneity of thought or feeling exists amongst the people of Ireland. Intense religious and other animosities, the growth of 3 centuries, exist between the different sections of the population. The » Roman Catholic peasantry are taught, from their earliest childhood, to look upon England as their cruel enemy ; to regard themselves as “ the Irish nation ” and all the rest of the populai tion, who form the backbone of Ireland, commercially and socially, as intruders and forming “ the English » garrison.” The inhabitants of Ireland are virtually divided into two hostile camps, and are only prevented from , flying at each other’s throats by the i strong arm of British rule. Those theorists who magine that the introi duction of Horae Rule into Ireland E would cause the immediate pacification ’ of that island may reflect, if they will, 1 upon the fact that the mere prospect of Mr Gladstone’s bills becoming law has caused serious riots to break out in the North of Ireland, and two counties, which, during all the troubles of the past few years, ' have remained peaceful and lawabiding, have become so disorderly . that the Government has thought it

necessary to proclaim them disturbed districts under the Arms Act. Widespread and treasonable organizations exist in various parts of the country, having for their avowed object the wresting of Ireland from British rule, and its establishment as a separate State. If such a condition of things prevailed in New Zealand it is obvious that its connection with the mother country could not remain on the present footing. Either England would be compelled to march an army of occupation into the colony, or to let itgo altogether. But if England did cast us off, although she would thereby lose a valuable possession, her own safety or fighting strength would not be imperilled or impaired. Far otherwise would it be if Ireland became an independent and in that case, necessarily, hostile State. When we are invited to concede Home Rule to Ireland, because three millions of discontented Irish peasantry, led on by their priests and professional agitators, are demanding it, we have not only to consider the well founded and just claims of the loyal minority of the Irish people, numbering a million and three-quarters, to be heard in opposition to the demand, but we must do what is just and right to the millions of people in England and Scotland, whose interests would be most seriously imperilled by the conversion of Ireland into an independent State. Ireland, both geographically and politically, is an integral part of the United Kingdom; it has been an appanage of the British Crown for’ seven centuries; and all its people have a right to ask is, that they should be placed on an equal political footing with their fellow subjects in Great Britain, Now, at present they enjoy exactly the same political privileges as Englishmen and Scotchmen. Judging from the discussions which have taken place in different parts of the colony, through the media of debating societies and otherwise,it would appearthat some colonists entertain the idea that the Irish Home Rulers are merely asking for constitutional rights which they do not now enjoy, and lor the want of which they stand on a lower political level than Englishmen and Scotchmen. This belief is entirely opposed to the facts of the case. Nor is Home Rule a demand for local self-government, as is sometimes artfully asserted. If it were, Mr Parnell could hardly raise any ob

jection to the Protestant part of Ulster which so strenuously objects to a Dublin Parliament, being specially dealt with. But the Home Rulers refuse their consent to this being done on any terms. It would be altogether inconsistent with their ultimate aim. As a Philadelphia newspaper, published in the interests of the Irish-Americans, ingenuously remarks “it is not to convert” the Irish people into loyal and contented subjects of Queen Victoria that the Irish in America have supported the Home Rule movement with their money.” Of course not. Home i Rule is the first instalment of something far more ambitious. But of all the displays of ignorance of the real bearings of the Home Rule question, the most absurd which has taken place in New Zealand was that made at the public meeting held the other day in Dunedin. The meeting seems to have been a large one in point of numbers, but no person of any standing ap parently took part in the proceedings. Not one of the speakers attempted tc seriously discuss Mr Gladstone’s pro posals or to answer the formidable objections to them raised by Lore Hartington, Mr Chamberlain, Mi Goschen, and Mr Trevelyan, to say nothing of the Conservative leaden and men eminent In other spheres that politics, such as Sir James (Stephen the distinguished jurist, whose power ful letters to The Times in ciiticism o Mr Gladstone’s Irish Bills we comment to the attention of these sucking Hom< Rulers at Dunedin. Sir James simpb does not leave Mr Gladstone a leg t< stand upon. The Dunedin orator confined themselves to expressing ferven hopes that Home Rule would maki ' Ireland happy and glorious and thei . unbounded faith in Mr Gladstone Well, Mr Gladstone is a great statesmai no doubt, but after all, he is only mortal man and is liable to make mis takes. In point of fact he has mad many serious mistakes in th ' course of his political career. Protes tants occasionally taunt Romai Catholics with believing in the religiou infallibility of the Pope; but we an afraid that Roman Catholics might re i tort upon many Protestant Liberals tha the latter repose just as firm a faith it the political infallibility of Mr Gladstone In the present struggle it is Mr Glad stone on the one side and all the othe : statesmen—we might say all the re maining intelligence—of the Unitet Kingdom on the other. Mr Gladstom sorrowfully recognises the fact, and it his recently published manifesto, h< appeals to the class passions of the mol for support. We profoundly regret thai he should have descended from hi: high position to do such an unworthy act. The funniest part of the Duhedir programme was the passing of a resolution expressive ofj oyalty to the Queen and the singing of the National Anthem. The Home Rulers in Ireland refuse to drink the Queens health and they hiss the National Anthem when it is sung. They even declined to nominate Her Majesty as Patroness of the Dublin Exhibition. They will be amazingly tickled at the innocence of their Dunedin friends, if ever a report of the meeting should reach them. Is it not time, however, that the better informed

section of the colonists, who object to the handing over of the government of Ireland to the National League should make their voices in this matter?

Mr Blair, tho Assistant Enginecr-in Chief, has reported favorably upon tho prospects of the proposed Mid’and Bailway. So far this is satisfactory, and tho report will gladden the hearts of the many friends of the great undertaking ; but we are not surprised that the opponents of the railway remember the tenor of a previous report made by Mr Blair on tho same subject. When Sir George Grey was Premier, and Mr Macandrow was Minister for Public Works, and Canterbury and Westland, were, so to spoak, undor a pol tical cloud, Mr Blair thought tho proposed railway impracticable. Now, however, with a Minister for Public Works and a Colonial Treasurer from Canterbury he is of opinion that the railway may be made, and made with profit to the contractors and advantage to the colony We do not suppose that in either case Mr Blair allowed his report to be improperly influenced by tho strong leanings of the Ministers of the day, but this very marked change of opinion requires some fuller explanation than is furnished by tho precis of the report we published in Friday’s issue. It is also worthy of note that Mr Blair undertakes to estimate the revenue to be derived from the railway, but “cannot say how much will be profit, as it is difficult to calculate the working expenses.” We should have thought it easier, under tho circumstances, to calculate the working expenses than to estimate the revenue.

The prognostications made by Mr E. G. Wright In the House of Representatives, six or to', .u '-i’xra »>ro, with regard .to the New F j .1.. u a breakwater promise to be realised at no d ; slant date. The motion for the second leading of the Now Plymouth Harbor Loan Bill provoked a long and acrimonious debase in the House on Thursday afternoon, an-* it appears highly probable that the construction of the breakwater will be stopped short by the absence of funds. Colonel Trimble opposed the Bill with a very vigorous speech, part of which is reported by the Wellington correspondent of the Lyttelton Times as follows :—“ The rating value of the district was only £1,600,000 to carry the rates for -£260,000, while that of Timaru, oanying £200,000 of debt, was£7,ooo,ooo, With the shilling rate for the proposed loan, the rates of the district mould amount to 6s in the pound. On the other hard, there was only butter to carry the burden, and butter averaged between 5d and 9J a lb. The district was going straight to ruin. The net revenue of the Harbor Beard being nominally only £4OO, and really only £4O, how could it reach £2500 ? The figures showed a deficiency of £3OOO, w'-ish the Board said would be met by the rates, but a la rate on the rateable value of £1,600,000, worth of property was only about £4OOO. The reotamlnations were worthless for revenue or other purposes. The basin within the breakwater was silting up very fast. There was a small trade, and no value in that trade, not enough rates, and those unbearable the breakwater was a failure.

The Wellington correspondent of the Press telegraphed last evening :—So far the revenue for the current year is considerably deficient. The Customs and beer duty for the June quartet (firat quarter) of the year are largely behind last year, and the railways up to date have fallen short proportionately to mileage. Indeed, I should not bo surprised to find another “ supplementary financial statement ” made (as last year), admitting that the revenue estimates were over-sanguine, and abandoning the reI duotion of a' quarter of a farthing In the property tax.