New Zealand Tablet. Fiat Justitia. SATURDAY, AUGUST 29, 1574 FAREWELL TO THE LAND.

New Zealand Tablet, Volume II, Issue 70, 29 August 1874, Page 4

New Zealand Tablet. Fiat Justitia. SATURDAY, AUGUST 29, 1574 FAREWELL TO THE LAND.

The Premier has carried his resolutions by a majority of more than, two to one. Did he choose to prolong the Session for the purpose of embodying them in an Act of Parliament, he is strong enough to do so. The existence, then, of the Provinces of the North Island, even for one year more, depends on his mercy or his policy. But is there nothing else that depends on his mercy or £is policy ? The City of Wellington may well tremble, for he could make her cease to be the Seat of Government if he so willed it. This, however, is not likely to be, and so the little wooden city may repose in security. Not; so, however, Otago and Canterbury as regards their Crown lands ; ior these Provinces there is not, nor will there be any security worth one year's purchase, that the Colonial Government will not soon annihilate the Provinces of the Middle Island also, and assume the entire control and disposal of their land estate.

It is not our purpose to-day to discuss the wisdom, policy, or justice of the Auckland petitioners, who ask for the destruction of all the Provinces of the Colony, and the handing over of the Crown lands in Otago and Canterbury to the Central Government. But the proposition has been made, and Mr Vogel can, if he pleases, give it effect. Will he do so ? This is a very interesting, and probably a very important question. To Otago and Canterbury, at all events, there can be no doubt of its importance.

Mr Vogeit is now pledged to introduce a Bill next Session to put an end to Provinces in the North Island, to fix the Seat of Government at "Wellington, and to secure by law the Crown Lands of Otago and Canterbury to these two Provinces. He will keep his pledge, no doubt. The main principle of the Bill will be death to Provincialism ; the other two questions cannot be considered in any other light than that of somewhat important details. It is certain an amendment will be moved to the effect that the Provinces of both islands Bhall cease to exist, and that all Crown lands shall be disposed of for the general purposes of the Colony. Nor can there be a doubt as to the reception these propositions will meet with. All the members from the North Island, with hardly an exception, will vote for it ; and the same may be said of the representatives of "Westland, Nelson, Marlborough and Southland, with very few exceptions. The probability, then, is that it will be crrried Jby a large majority. Is it likely that the Premier will resign office rather than accept such a decision by the House of Representatives ? If the Colony wishes to put an end to Provinces in both islands, there is no reason why Mr Vogel, or any other politician should sacrifice himself by opposing the people, especially when the people endorse the principle of Mb Bill, and only differ from him on a few matters of detail. No one would, under the circumstances, expect the Premier to do otherwise than practically bow to the decision of the House of Representatives. But granting, for the sake of argument, that all the Premier's propositions as embodied in his resolutions, are enacted into law; nevertheless Otago and Canterbury cannot hope to retain their Crown lands long. In a short time the entire interest of our Colonial debt must be paid out of ordinary revenue, and not as now, partly out of borrowed money. Will it be possible to do this without having recourse to additional taxation ? It is not necessary we should answer this question. The public mind has been long since made up upon it. The tide of prosperity cannot be expected to flow for ever. We must be prepared to encounter depression sooner or later, and to find the returns from all the present sources of taxation insufficient to meet the liabilities of government. The Minister of the day will have to ask Parliament for additional means, which, if the compact of 1856 is to be maintained, can only be obtained by the imposition of new taxes, or by new loans. Is it likely that Parliament will feel itself justified in imposing new taxes or increasing the debt of the Colony, whilst two of the Provinces are in the exclusive enjoyment of a large estate, made up entirely of Crown lands. If bo, then, all that can be said is that human nature has been revolutionised in New Zealand.

It appears to us that, as Colonial Treasurer, the Premier has plyaed his cards admirably. We do not say wisely for the real interests of the colony. This is a question which we shall not now discuss j our attention is directed at present solely to the consideration of the inevitable consequences of the resolutions lately accepted by the House of Representatives ; unless, indeed, the result of the general election, which it is said is near at hand, should be unfavourable to the policy they proclaim. But, as a Financier, foreseeing great pecuniary difficulties, the Premier has certainly shuffled the pack fortunately. He has so managed matters that, when he wants the money, he is certain of a majority to enable him to repeal, if necessary, his own law in reference to Crown Lands ; and, in the interests of the colony, to put the Central Government in possession of these lands. Nothing appears clearer to us than that Otago and Canterbury may bid farewell to the Crown lands, if these resolutions be enacted into law. The security proposed to be given to these two provinces as to these lands is, in reality, not worth the paper on which it is written. Very many people say, so much the better for the colony at large, but most men in Otago and Canterbury think differently. At present, we pronounce no. opinion on, this point ;

but, we may say, the questi«ns are very important. Great interests are at stake — political integrity and honesty, as well as good faith, are involved ; and it is of the highest importance that there should be no mistake as to public opinion. A decision in accordance with this opinion may reasonably be expected to be permanent, whereas nothing is more perilous or injurious than a mistake as to the public voice, and nothing less lasting. It does appear, then, that an elector's qualification law and a re-adjustment of the representation ought to precede an appeal to the people on the Resolutions. Prom various quarters complaints are heard that the people are not fairly represented — that some are not represented at all — and that others are overrepresented — and that many most intelligent men, admirably qualified to give an opinion on these important questions have no voice in the selection of representatives, owing to the defective state of the law. This should not be ; and, if these complaints be well founded, as we think they are, certainly they should be remedied before the next general election.

It may be for the interests ot the colony to put an end to provinces, and devote Crown lands to general colonial purposes, ap, must inevitably be the ease should the Resolutions become law ; but it is also necessary for the general good that legislation should be the embodiment of the real voice of the people.