A.—3a

4

advantages by way of inducement as in other colonies. Practically speaking, at the present time there are no inducements of any kind to attract capital. All our sugar goes out of the colony in a raw state. It is, practically speaking, our only export, thanks to the present system of government. Now, we have received excellent returns as to what we can do in coffee. One consignment from Fiji was pronounced the best in the New Zealand market. It brought the highest price as the first coffee of the season. And this is an article consumed in every household. Under federation, as suggested, the country would be opened up. Governor Thurston for years tried to get the mail-service, and he eventually brought it here. Now, what has Governor O'Brien done? Not only did he take the service away, but, as Mr. Berkeley will show you, he seemingly increased the revenue of the colony. And how? By increased taxation. He raised the duties !I do not hesitate to say for a moment that federation means to us, in the first place, a regular mail-service. To forward this I will do everything in my power—there must be a sinking of any local differences. We called a meeting in Suva; it was not heartily responded to, and we decided, after going into the matter at length, to communicate with New Zealand and await a reply, but previous to this we decided to obtain the views of the people of Levuka. The matter must be publicly discussed. It is essential that we make no mistakes and take no backward movement. The matter referred to by a previous speaker as an obstacle is open to explanation. I refer to the labour question, and particularly Indian labour. I, with Mr. Berkeley, have looked up the Ordinance and Schedule re Indian labour, and we find in the Bth section provision is made by which the Government of India possess and retain the power of granting permission to send labour to certain countries. Natal is mentioned as one. But Natal is no longer a Crown colony, yet by special arrangement Indian labour is still sent there. This, I take it, removes any difficulties as to the labour question; for if laws could be so modified as to meet the requirements of Natal it seems only feasible they could be so treated with New Zealand. Mr. Humphry Berkeley said: Mr. Warden and gentlemen,—l can assure you I most thoroughly appreciate the honour that you have done me in asking me to attend your meeting, You have had laid before you in a most able way by the various gentlemen who have addressed you the reason that has induced us to assemble here to-night. The subject of federation with New Zealand is one of paramount importance to us all. It is a subject which commands our most earnest consideration, affecting, as it will, our future welfare. It is a matter whicfcrT feel sure will obtain the general approbation of the colonists of Fiji. Mr. Jones, in addressing you, said that there were serious difficulties in our way, and he places those difficulties in the following order: first, ignorance; second, officialism. I think those terms may be very well combined. In a great number of instances they are synonymous. We most of us, unfortunately, know the way in which affairs are conducted here. Gentlemen, Ido not wish in any way to be personal, but I ask you how many of you know His Excellency Sir George Michael O'Brien by sight ? He has been our Governor for four years now. To the citizens of Suva he is practically unknown. I venture-to say, without fear of contradiction, that he might walk down Victoria Parade any day in the week without being recognised by 5 per cent, of the people he encountered. If that is true of the capital of the colony, may I ask how many of you, the citizens of Levuka, the mother-city of the colony, know your chief administrative officer by sight ? Perhaps none. (Loud cheers. A Voice: "That is so.") Well, gentlemen, you seem pretty well agreed on that point; I only hope you will be as unanimous in recording your votes for federation. I submit that the rule of Crown colony officialism is not the kind of government we require, nor is it the class of government that the needs of the colony demand. Gentlemen, let us admit, for the purposes of argument, that His Excellency Sir George O'Brien is the ablest official that has ever set foot on these shores ; but even in that case, what can he possibly know of the wants of the colony if he never (except on the rarest of occasions) stirs outside of the precincts of Government grounds ? The assertion lam making is no idle one ;it can without difficulty be vouched for. (Hear, hear). If it be, then, an admitted fact that His Excellency practically confines himself to the Government grounds, what means can he possibly have of knowing the wants of the colony ? Gentlemen, he can only obtain his knowledge of those wants through his subordinates. Now, if it is absolutely necessary for a Governor of a Crown colony to rely on information which is filtered through his subordinates, what necessity could there be for such an official ? Let us take one instance : A few months ago, at a public meeting held in Suva, in connection with the withdrawal of the Canadian mailsubsidy, certain leading men of that town were deputed to interview His Excellency, and to request him to allow the subsidy to be renewed. It was pointed out to him that our late Governor, Sir John Thurston, had, after very'considerable difficulty, managed to induce the mail-service to make the port of Suva a port of call. Gentlemen, that deputation was fortified with a petition signed by all the most influential citizens. What was the response ? Well, you have seen the account in the paper yourself, and will remember that he replied to this effect: It would be useless to apply to the Home Government for a renewal of the subsidy, because the certain answer would be, "If you are so well off, pay some portion of the Imperial loan back." The amount of the subsidy, as you know, was £1,500 a year, and you will remember that the petition showed that a considerably larger revenue than £1,500 per annum was derived by the steamers of the Canadian line calling here. Now, this was a peculiar statement to make when his subsequent actions are considered. The Crown Colony of Fiji would not, according Jo him, be allowed to subsidise a mail line which would put it in immediate touch with the outer world, although the revenue would be increased by the advent of that line, because the Imperial authorities would not sanction it so long as the Imperial loan remained unpaid. But what about that thousand pounds which His Excellency donated to the patriotic fund? Whose money was it? Did it belong to His Excellency ? Did it belong to the Imperial authorities? No, gentlemen, it was £1,000 which came out of our pockets through the medium of taxation —taxation in which we had no say —our money, as to the disposal of which we were not consulted. Can His Excellency, or any of his subordinates explain to us why, if the Imperial authorities set their face against allowing us to