A.—9

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are to be developed in a way proportionate to their importance, they must be developed by scientific methods, and by the help of a thoroughly scientific organization. A great distinction is very commonly drawn by some philosophical friends of mine, between what they call " militarism " or military organization and what they call "industrialism," very much to the advantage of the latter. Iby no means dispute their position, but I would ask any of you who is cognizant of the facts of the case, and who has paid any attention to what is the meaning of modern industry pursued by the methods which are now followed, whether after all it is not war under the forms of peace. It is perfectly true that the industrial warfare is followed by results of a far more refined character than those which follow in the track of military warfare. It does not break heads and it does not shed blood, but it starves the man who succeeds in the war of competition, and the nation which succeeds in the war of competition beats the other by starvation. It is a hard thing to say, gentlemen, but it is the plain, simple fact of the case, that industrial competition among the different peoples of the world is a warfare which must be carried on by the means of warfare. Now, in what respect does modern warfare differ from ancient warfare ? It differs because it has allied itself with science ; because it will have organization and discipline as its foundation, and not mere mass and number; because it takes advantage of every scientific discovery by which the weapons of offence and defence can be perfected; and because it requires the highest possible education and the most extensive means of information on the part of those who conduct that warfare. The peaceable warfare of industrialism, if it is to succeed, must follow exactly the same methods; your system, your methods, must be organized. You must call to your aid, as industry is already doing, every possible help which is to be gathered from science, and you should all know what help science is now giving to you. Not only so, but those who conduct your operations should be trained and disciplined in these difficult branches of human knowledge which deal with the needs and wants of nations, and with the distribution of commodities. This country has dropped astern in the race for want of the education which is obtained elsewhere in the higher branches of industry and of commerce. It has dropped astern in the race for want of that instruction in technical education which is given elsewhere to the artisan, and if you desire to have any chance of keeping up that industrial predominance which is the foundation of the Empire, which, if it fail, would cause the whole fabric of the State to crumble—if you desire particularly, as the gentleman who desired just now to move an amendment did —to see want and pauperism less common than they have been, unhappily, and are at present, remember —let me say more modestly, the conviction of a man who looks at these things scientifically is, that it is only possible by the organization of industry in the manner that we understand organization in science, and by the straining every nerve, to train the intelligence which is concerned in industry to the highest point, and to keep the industrial products of England at the head of those of the markets of the world. Now, gentlemen, it is because I look upon this Institute as the first formal recognition, whether conscious or unconscious I know not, but as the first formal recognition of this great fact: that our people are at length becoming alive to the necessity of organization, of discipline, of knowledge ; it is upon that ground that I venture to support the proposition. As I have said, if the first of these propositions is granted, if it is indeed a worthy and fitting memorial of Her Majesty's reign that you would create an institution which permanently represents that which is the great characteristic feature of the period, that which will mark the Victorian epoch in history, as the Augustan epoch or the epoch of Pericles was marked in ancient history—if you desire to do that, an Institute having such objects and purposes as are defined in the papers which are put before you appears to me to be a monument not only more lasting than brass, but one which for centuries and centuries to come will be working, will be before the people, an image of the objects after which they ought to strive, and as a means of organizing their activities to such results as will lead to their perennial welfare. If this be so, and Ido not know that the judgment which I express to you can be warped—l certainly have never felt the enervating influences of capital—l certainly have had as much to do in my way in endeavouring to the best of my ability to raise the working-class to that level of intelligence to which it is capable of attaining, so that as far as I know, if we are to have these horrible divisions among us, I belong rather to the mass than to the class, whatever that may be. But that is my deliberate judgment about the matter, and, such being the case, I venture to commend to you the resolution which has been read to you by Lord Eothschild. Sir John Lubbock, Bart., M.P.: My Lord Mayor and gentlemen—ln this city we are always ready to obey the summons of the Lord Mayor, but I think that you will agree with me that, after the speeches that we have heard, any remark of mine with reference to the resolution would be a work of supererogation. Lord Granville, in his interesting opening remarks, alluded to an unfortunate candidate who had to follow Lord Brougham. If I were to speak in support of the resolution, I should have to follow half-a-dozen Lord Broughams. I think that in this city we all feel great confidence in the judgment and the sagacity of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, of Lord Eothschild, of Lord Granville, and in the scientific knowledge of my friend who has just sat down; and in following their lead and that of the committee I think that we all of us feel that we are not likely to go far wrong. Other monarchs who have reigned long have left behind them monuments in the shape of pyramids of slone, and sometimes, what is even worse, of mountains of debt; but if I were to criticise what we have heard to-day at all, it would be just to say that I think this Institute which we are about to form is not so much a memorial of Her Majesty's reign as it is of our gratitude and affection. The true memorial of Her Majesty's reign is, I think, engraven in the hearts and in the affections of Her Majesty's subjects, and nowhere, my Lord Mayor, I am sure more deeply graven than in the hearts of the loyal and patriotic citizens of her metropolis. The resolution was then put to the meeting and carried with only one dissentient. The Marquis of Lorne : My Lord Mayor and gentlemen—The resolution I have the honour to propose is one voting the thanks of this meeting to the Prince of W Tales for having originally suggested the idea which has been shaped by the representative committee, I shall certainly not