7

A.—s

had not been definitely abandoned, the connection of Australia with the Crown would have been most seriously imperilled. I recognize the same national sentiment again, active and alive—a sentiment which, proud of all that has yet been done within a single reign by the people of the Queen's three kiugdoms alone for the greatness, prosperity, and liberty of so vast and wealthy a region, resents the establishment of a foreign prison of convicts in its midst, and the consequent claim to annex, and, as they believe, demoralize by enforced association, a native population for whose welfare, here and hereafter, they have not spared men or means. If the French people had chosen to build up in its Pacific possessions colonies such as still in Canada and Mauritius attest their administrative skill, I need not say how welcome such an association and rivalry of system would have been to our people ; but it is not over such a community that the great flag of France now hangs in the Western Pacific, nor is there much hope that it will. Throughout those seas and islands manifest destiny impels and spreads the expeditions, the evangelization, the settlements of our own people, as America is being overspread by a kindred race ; and it is no wonder that they should feel that they have a heritage in the region which no other race can have—a region ample to receive and give happy homes to millions who now struggle with penury in the Mother-country ■ —and who also feel they have a right to expect that that region shall be kept free from the rivalry and criminality while open to the free enterprise and energy of all other races. 8. In conclusion, I have to request that you will inform the Secretary of State that, in addition to the telegraphic despatch on the subject communicated to you by Mr. Murray Smith on the 31st ultimo, several of the same tenor have been also received from my Government. One of them, referring to a report in the Press that an eminent member of the present Government had declared Victoria was unreasonable in persistently refusing compromise with France, says, " Victoria neither obstinate nor unreasonable. Compromise assumes rights. What better right has France than England ? W 7hat equal right in comparison Australia ? Alleged compromise consists in promise to send no more convicts Pacific, and give Eapa to England. Transportation to Pacific must soon cease, because New Caledonia cannot receive many more convicts, and Eapa is not of value in comparison. We protest against even discussing conditions until necessity is shown for altering present status." From another, to which I have already referred at the commencement of this letter, in which it is stated that Mr. Griffith's telegram embodied the final decision of the federal colonies, I extract the following further passage : " New South Wales divided as to whether trust promise France send no more convicts Pacific, but prefer France, if possible, should not have New Hebrides. Feeling in New South W 7ales strengthening against ceding New Hebrides. In Victoria meetings held throughout colony, and large meeting Melbourne passing resolutions sending me petitions urging every effort prevent New Hebrides going to France. All absolutely unanimous—convinced more than ever that ceding would be blunder little short of crime." I have, &c, Andkew Clauke.

No. 6. The Peemieb to the Agent-General. Hebbides. —Take up this position. Cannot at present recommend cession because Presbyterian established missions faith denationalization. Otherwise consider conditions most favourable. Have appealed to Church to consent. Eobebt Stout. 11th May, 1886.

No. 7. The Agent-Genehal to the Peemiee. Sib,— 7, Westminster Chambers, London, S.W., 20th May, 1886. I received on the 11th instant your telegram defining the position taken up by you on the New Hebrides question : that New Zealand could not at at present recommend the cession of the islands to France, as the Presbyterian missions had been established on the faith of the group being denationalized, but that otherwise you thought the conditions I had named were most favourable, and that you had appealed to the Church for its consent. Since then I have also had the honour to receive your despatch of the Bth April, for which I am greatly obliged. Your telegram came at the critical moment when the Imperial Government most desired to know the views of all the Australasian Governments. There never had been, of course, any doubt about the policy of Victoria or Queensland, nor had strong language been wanting, as you point out, in which that policy should be presented to the Imperial Government. But, while there had certainly been ground to suppose, from the Governor's telegram of the 18th March, as well as from telegrams of the Government of New South Wales, that New Zealand as well as New South Wales were disposed to look with some favour on the French Ambassador's proposals, there had been no such express concurrence or support as alone could counterbalance the inflexible attitude of the other Governments. Practically, therefore, the weight had long been passing into the Victorian scale. Questions were put in the House of Commons the other night by Mr. Howard Vincent, and I enclose the Times reports of what passed. To the first of these Mr. Gladstone replied that, although the resolution of the Convention against further acquisitions in the Pacific by foreign Powers was not in itself binding even on the Colonial Government, and much less on the Imperial Government, it was an expression of opinion to which Her Majesty's Governments would certainly have regard. To the second question, whether the French Ambassador had been given clearly to understand that Her Majesty's Government would not upon any consideration entertain his proposal, the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies replied that, although M. Waddiugton had been privately

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