BRITAIN S DETERMINATION

Waikato Times, Volume 125, Issue 20892, 25 August 1939, Page 7

BRITAIN S DETERMINATION

WILL YIELD NOTHING TO FORCE TENSE, DRAMATIC SCENE IN COMMONS GERMAN-SOVIET PACT CAME AS COMPLETE SURPRISE (Official Wireless) (Received August 25, li a.m.) RUGBY, Aug. 24 Confronted, as Mr Chamberlain said, “with the imminent perils of war,” a crowded and hushed House of Commons listened to the Prime Minister’s momentous statement of the issues raised by Nazi Germany’s actions and threats and Britain’s determination to yield nothing to force. They heard from him that in a communication made yesterday to Herr Hitler at Berchtesgaden by the British Ambassador, Sir Nevile Henderson, it was made plain that “if the case should arise Britain is resolved and prepared to ■employ without delay all the forces at her command,” and they cheered his final appeal that in this critical hour they should show the world that: “As we think so we shall fight—as a united nation.” With particular interest members heard, too, Mr Chamberlain’s admission that Monday’s announcement of the •Soviet-German non-aggression pact came as a complete surprise to Britain and “a surprise of a very unpleasant character.” The close attention with which his comments on this development and his refusal meantime to pass final judgment on it were followed took on increased alertness as the Prime Minister passed on to speak of the false deductions that had been made in certain quarters as to its effect on the British policy and the steps which had been taken to correct them and to re-affirm in very deliberate terms the fidelity of Britain to its pledges. Britain’s First Duty maintained by Poland. ‘‘lt must,

“In Berlin,’ Mr Chamberlain said, “Monday night's announcement was hailed with extraordinary cynicism, as a great diplomatic victory which removed any danger of .var since Britain and France would no longer be like!, to fulfil their obligations to Poland. “We felt it our first duty to remove any such dangerous impression, hence Tuesday’s Cabinet statement that the obligations to Poland remained unaffected. How, indeed, could Britain with honour have gone back upon an undertaking given before the negotiations with Russia opened, not in any way dependent on the outcome of such negotiations, and so often and so plainly repeated? “These obligations rest upon an agreed statement made to the House of Commons, to whom effect is being given in treaties which at present are in an advanced stage of negotiation. These treaties, when concluded, will formally define, without in any way altering, adding to or subtracting from, flic obligations of mutual .assistance which already have been accepted

maintained by Poland. "It must, I think,’ he said, "lie agreed that in the face of this campaign, the declarations by Polish statesmen have shown great calm and self-restraint. The

Communication to Hitler “The Cabinet statement was followed by Sir Nevile Henderson's visit to Herr Hitler. The object of the communication which Sir Nevile delivered was to restate the British position and make quite sure that there was no misunderstanding. "His Majesty’s Goverarru-.n} felt that this was all the morj necessary having regard to tie reports it had received of military movements taking place in «lermany and the projected German-Soviet agreement. "The communication, after the declaration already cite! of the Government's resolve, if necessary, to employ without delay al.' the forces at its command, went on to inform the Chancellor of Britain's view that there was nothing In the questions between Poland and Germany which could not and should not be resolved without the use of force if only confidence could be restored.” Wer Not Desired In this connection Mr Chamberlain recalled his off-stated conviction that war between Britain and Germany—admitted on all sides to be the greatest calamity which could occur—was not desired either by the British or German peoples. The Prime Minister also recalled how Britain had expressed her willingness to assist in creating conditions in which negotiations between Germany and Poland on the questions outstanding between them could take place. He added that such negotiations could obviously deal also with the complaints made on either side about ■the treatment of minorities. Herr Hitler’s Reply Coming to Herr Hitler's reply he stated that it included "what amounts to a restatement of the Nazi thesis that in Eastern Europe Germany should have a free hand, and that if we or any other country having a less direct interest in this part of Europe chooses to interfere the blame for an ensuing conflict will be ours. This thesis entirely misapprehends the British position. "We do not seek to proclaim a special position for ourselves in Eastern Europe,” Mr Chamberlain continued, "so we do not think of asking Germany to sacrifice her national interests. “But we cannot agree that national Interests can only be secured by shedding blood or by the destruction of the independence of other States.” Poland’s Self-Restraint Earlier the Prime Minister, having described the worsening situation during the last few weeks and the violent German press campaign, in which it was declared that Danzig could not be the subject of any conference or compromise, but must join the Reich • ar once unconditionally, in which Danzig was linked with the Corridor and in which allegations were made of illtreatment of Germans living in Poland strongly resembling those made in respect to the Sudeten Germans last year, paid a tribute to the attitude

MR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN Polish leaders, while they seem firm in their determination to resist an attack upon their independence, have been unprovocative. They have always been ready, as I am sure they would be ready now, to discuss the differences with the German Government if they could be sure that those discussions would be carried on without threats of force and could have confidence that if an agreement were reached its terms would be respected afterwards, both in letter and spirit.” The Soviet Bombshell In the passages devoted to the “unpleasant surprise” of the Soviet-Ger-man pact, Mr Chamberlain referred to rumours of impending changes in the relations between the Nazi and Soviet Governments which had been in circulation for -some time, and affirmed that no inkling of any change had been conveyed to either the British or French Governments by the Soviet. “The House may remember that on July 31 I remarked that we had engaged upon a step that was almost unprecedented in character when we agreed to send our soldiers, sailors and airmen to Russia to discuss military plans together before we had an assurance that we should be able to reach an agreement on political matters. “Moved by M. Molotoff’s observation that if we could come to a successful conclusion of our military discussions the policital agreement should not present any insurmountable difficulty, we sent a mission. It arrived on August 7 and was received in a friendly fashion and tiie discussions were actually in progress and proceeding on a basis of mutual trust when this bombshell was flung down. "To say the least it was highly disturbing to learn that while these conversations were proceeding on that basis the Soviet was secretly engaged with Germany j n other conversations for purposes which, on the face of it, were inconsistent with the objects of ihc Soviet's foreign policy as we had understood it. Consultation With France “I do not propose this afternoon to pass any final judgment upon the incident. That I think would be premature until we have had an opportunity of consulting France as to the meaning of the consequences of this agreement, the text of which was only published this morning.” Labour Against Aggression Mr A. Greenwood. Leader of the Labour Party, said it was hoped that all clouds might yet he dispelled. The unify of resistance to aggression was complete and the issue was being faced with confidence and fortitude." "I still hope that there may be inful enough to respond to the appeal for reason and realise that if there were legitimate grievances they arc not incapable of settlement. Britain would not march with an aggresor and law-breaker. Labour would never acquiesce to further aggression. The peril of war has not come from us. We are not hostile to the German people, for whom war would be equally disastrous. Victor and van-

quished alike would be crushed in the ruins.” Sir Archibald Sinclair (Leader < of the Liberals) said: "It is not a time for controversy or recrimination when a thrust for world domination is threatening British homes and j families and depriving them of the I 1 light and blessing of peace. It is a j 1 time for closing our ranks.” t Gravest Error in History Mr Anthony Eden said: "The situ-i j at ion is as grave and perilous as any j . in Britain's history. The chief danger i 1 is Germany's refusal to believe that j ! we are in earnest. If the German • 1 people did not believe that Britain and France would support Poland it would I J ,be toe gravest error in hie tor;."