The Waikato Times With which is incorporated The Waikato Argus. FRIDAY, AUGUST 12, 1921. THE LOCUM TENENS

Waikato Times, Volume 94, Issue 14722, 12 August 1921, Page 4

The Waikato Times With which is incorporated The Waikato Argus. FRIDAY, AUGUST 12, 1921. THE LOCUM TENENS

We have more than once pointed out that the system under which the Prime Minister is regarded as the one possible man to represent the country at the Imperial Conference is fraught with such inconvenience that it must, necessarily lead to some changes. Ho'.i. A. M. Myers recently referred to the same matter, and Sir Francis Bell, the ActingPremier, has forwarded to the Press his comment thereon. It is an interesting statement, but can hardly be regarded as convincing. Sir Francis Bell says it will always be found essential thai, the Imperial Conference shall be attended by the various Prime Ministers, as no other men can debate questions of Imperial importance and practically decide them. He says that this is because the Prime Minister has the sole right of initiating measures to give effect to the decisions of the Conference. He refers lo Mr Myers' desire that Parliaments should sit although the Prime Minister be absent, but thinks that this would never be possible in practice. He says that Parliament has the right and power lo control the Government, and may bring forward measures which involve decisions of policy which cannot be made in Hie absence of the Prime Minister. His recommendation is that when the Imperial Conference sits all parties should agree to confine themselves to useful legislation, and party politics should be postponed.

It appears to us that Sir Francis Bell has added to the strength of Mr Myers' suggestions rather than controverted them, lie thinks no man can debate Imperial questions and practically decide them, because no other man can initiate the legislation which may be required to give effect to the decisions. Such a pronouncement does not give a very flattering picture of the harmony within a Cabinet. Is there never any chance that a Prime Minister may have a colleague with whom he is sufficiently in accord to accept his account of what could be done at the Conference? In every other situation of life, political or business, colleagues and partners can work together, and support each other's actions. Human achievement would be sadly limited if this were not the case. Sir Francis Bell not only thinks the Prime Minister to be the one man who can consider Imperial questions. He is also the only man who can decide questions of domestic policy. This is carrying one-man government to impossible lengths. We are a small community, exceptionally law-abiding or even supine, but even here we have suffered on more than one occasion from the Prime Minister's absence, and protests have been made. Precious time was lost immediately after the Armistice owing to Parliament not sitting. We have been behindhand ever since, Ind are further from reconstruction than any other of the self-govern-ing Dominions. It is certain that if the Prime Minister is to attend Imperial Conferences, there must be a deputy Prime Minister under that or some other title. It is certain also that it will be but a matter of time before the deputy will be the chief man in local matters, as the titular head is in Imperial matters. There is a limit to the parts which can be played by one man. Mr Massey's vigour, together with his willingness or readiness to keep all matters in his own hand, have led to a condition which is not good for the •Prime Minister or for the country. Many protests have been raised, but the system has at length found a defender in Sir Francis Bell, who apparently expects Mr Massey to live for ever, and whose picture of the Cabinet afraid that questions may be raised in Parliament which require them to come to some decision is not flattering to his colleagues or comforting to the country. The picture of a Parliament which should, when Imperial Conferences are held, confine itself to useful questions and eschew party politics is pleasant to think of, but bears little relation to facts. Sir Francis Bell evidently considers that there will never be a change of Government. Suppose another party came into power, who carried out measures which he disapproved. They might endeavour to fix prices, inflate the currency, interfere with agreements, or do a variety of things which Sir Francis Bell would dislike. Would he recommend his party friends to refrain from opposition because the Prime Minister of the day was in attendance at an Imperial Conference? He admits that Parliament can control the Government, although it is a power which is so seldom used that it is almost forgotten. Would he not admit that the power to control carries with it the duty to oppose if "measures are instituted of which the House does not approve? In" truth, if Parliament were to adopt the line which Sir Francis Bell recommends, an astute Premier would arrange to have contentious legislation brought forward when he was engaged on Imperial functions, and the patriotic argument would be used. The country is growing steadily if not rapidly, and the problems which confront the Government increase. The publio are every year Jearning lo look more and more lo the State for undertakings which used to be. left to individuals or companies. The Government is at all times willing to take any business in hand, and with this growing mass of affairs to attend to it is calmly suggested that the functions of criticism and opposition should be left in abeyance when an Imperial Conference sits. The domestic difficulty is but one side of the question. Docs anyone think that the affairs of the Empire can be settled by a meeting of Prime Ministers for six weeks every two years. They may reserve certain questions among themselves and decide them at such meetings, but the world at large will not remain in a state of suspended animation between the sittings of the Imperial Conference. Tlw? members thereof will have to devise a more practical and business-like method of dealing with affairs. The right solution is that a Foreign Minister should be appointed who would be a member of the Cabinet, and who could spend half his time in England and half In New Zealand. In practice it would he found convenient to spend more than half the time at home, but a certain amount of it should certainly be spent here. In no other way is it possible to take that share in shaping policy which the country naturally desires, and will eventually insist upon. The tendency of the Prime Ministers, one and all, to keep everything in their own hands operates injuriously to the constitutional development of Ihe Empire. It is beginning to be recognised that it is not the Old Country which stands in the way of more effective co-operation but the Dominions, or rather their representatives. It is in any case certain that if the system which Sir Francis Bell approves and recommends is allowed to continue, Imperialism will grow into bad odour. It will come to be associated witli the neglect of our own affairs. It is difficult to induce the public lo interest themselves in the wider questions, and if these are associated with a legitimate cause of offence the difficulty will increase.