The Waikato Times With which is incorporated The Waikato Argus. WEDNESDAY, APRIL 30, 1919. ITALY

Waikato Times, Volume 90, Issue 14049, 30 April 1919, Page 4

The Waikato Times With which is incorporated The Waikato Argus. WEDNESDAY, APRIL 30, 1919. ITALY

The trouble which has arisen at the Peace Conferc.ice between President Wilson and the Italian delegation is most regrettable from many points of view, and, most of ?!’, from the great divergence which it reveals between the aims of the different Allied nations. To many persons it has seemed disastrous as showing to Germany how little real unity exists among the nations vyho have been fighting against her, and undoubtedly this is a consideration of great magnitude, although it seems to us that there are other aspects of the question which are of even greater importance. The position is fairly clear: In 1915, in the early days of war, when the collapse and disappearance of Austria as a great Power had not dawned on the imagination of any of the combatants, a treaty was made between Italy on the one side,, and Britain and France on the other, guaranteeing to Italy, in the event of an 'Allied victory, certain rectifications of frontier on the north-east of Italy and the acquisition of Dalmatia, i\Vhich at •that time was a province of Austria. The port of Piurhe was not included. Since that time many things have happened. The Allies have added to their war aims the constitution of the Jugoslavs a.s a State added to Serbia; Austria has collapsed, and its various nationalities have elected for selfgovernment under several different forms. America joined the Allies, and President Wilson issued the famous 14 points, which were accepted by the other Allied countries as a statement of their war aims, and the armistice was originally based on these ■ points. Now the time has come for the settlement of the Italian claims, and the discrepancy between the treaty of 1915 and the President’s 14 points can no longer be ignored. Italy insists, not only on the letter of her bond, but goes beyond it, and demands the possession of Piume. The President resists the demand, and issues a public statement that such claims are inconsistent with his conditions. The Italian representatives have thereupon taken offence and returned to Rome from the Peace Con- . ••• M* • i '■ ference.Jand the chief press . organ threatens that Italy will turn towards Germany if she cannot have her own way in 'this matter.

On the merits of the proposed settlement there can scarcely be two opinions. Flume is the outlet of: a large population of Czechs and Slavs, and to some extent of Hungarians. The population of the town itself is largely Italian, but they are not found in the back country, for which Piume is the main outlet and inlet. Dalmatia is a long narrow strip of country on the eastern shore of the Adriatic, the population of which is almost exclusively Slav, and Italy’s claims are historical and strategic. Dalmatia for some hundred years or so was a. province of Venice in its palmy days. It was never inhabited to any extent by Italians, but the ruling power Venice left behind her many fine:, buildings which show their Italian origin. From the strategic point of view Italy claims Dalmatia for the purpose of rendering her position in the Adriatic impregnable. The mere statement of these arguments is sufficient to. show both how they conflict with the Nationalist theory for which we have fought, and how little real weight and importance they are entitled to; They bear, in fact, an astonishingly close resemblance to the fantastic schemes put forward by the PanGermans whenever the war flattered their hopes. That Venice once held sway over a population of Slavs in Dalmatia is a poor argument for refusing to the descendants of those Slavs the opportunity of ever ruling themselves. If nationality be the legitimate aspiration, Italy has nothing to put against it which would justify the Allies in acting against their own views of what is both right and prudent, for it can scarcely be questioned that if Italy obtains her own way in this matter she can never look forward to peace. She must immediately prepare for a war in which Serbia, Bohemia and Hungary will unite to assist their claims to the possession of Piume and of Dalmatia. The strategic advantages of Dalmatia will be small if it involves the constant fear of war. Germany claimed half Belgium, because the people spoke Flemish, and part of Switzerland because German was the language, and such claims are no more fantastic than those put forward by. Italy. It is, however, a strange and wonderful tiling that in spite of these considerations, which are perfectly well known and are not in fact disputed, popular feeling in Britain and Franco., if we are to judge from the press, sympathises rather with Italy than with President Wilson. We sincerely trust that in this matter the press does ■ ;lt; ■ vl i • . not represent the people. There is a loud outcry that President Wilson has been ifa'lty and tactless in publishing his statement. The ,6)ci ; True Blue Tory paper, the Morning Post, says the Allies put up with his manners on account of America’s wealth, and other papers express the same sentiment in a somewhat more gentlemanly manner; This may he all true; we are not concerned to defend President Wilson’s tact, though there is plenty to he said on that side of tile argument ; hut what is the

importance of the President’s methods compared to that of making a settlement which shall comply with the demands of justice, and thereby hold out the prospect of peace. The minds of men have become so attuned to war that it seems to them reasonable that Italy should be willing to incur the risk for the sake of rub >g over an alien peop'e. It is about GO years since Italy final'y shook off Austrian rule, against which one of their mojf famous declarations Was that “We do not want Austria to govern better; we want her not to govern at all.” These sentiments are forgotten, o-’d Italy is prepared to take up the “foie that Austria has finally been beaten out of. and Britain and France are apparently applauding her in putting forward claims which have no other justifleat’on than that of victory. So far from i °ing amongst the nations fighting for justice, Italy is still amongst those which are on the make, and large numbers amongst our own people are no better. The frame of mind we have described is not likely to last. A calmer mood will sooner or later appear, and saner views will prevail. We have seen several times during the war that the politicians do not invariably represent the people, and this may be the case again. Even if under the stress of war the people have forgotten the ideas they held less than 12 months since, those ideas will return. The greatest of all interests is peace; the most certain of all methods to ensure peace is to follow justice. We have learnt after much tribulation that government impos:d on one people by those of another race can never be satisfactory, and at best is'but a step towards fuither development. However disposed we may feel at present to exploit our victory for all it ’s worth, the logic of e\ents; the teachings of history, the recollection of our own professions, will in time give us pause and lead to those second thoughts which are so often the part of wisdom. It is certain that if England and .France had, been outspoken in the same sense as Wilson, Italy would have given way. There is a considerable body amongst her own people who see. the folly of the course she is pursuing, and prudence and moderation may come from within. If it does not, we hope jt will come from without, for Italy’s settlement would create a disturbed Europe, and further disturbances would be an unmixed J calamity.