NOTES FROM GREAT BRITAIN.

Woodville Examiner, Volume VII, Issue 659, 30 January 1891, Page 1 (Supplement)

NOTES FROM GREAT BRITAIN.

(FROM OUK EDINBURGH CORRESPONDENT.) EDINBURGH, Oct. 9, DEMOCRACY MARCHING ON. The effect of the recent Trades Union Congress is already felt in politics. Mr. Michael Davitt’s new organ, the Labour ll'or/tl, which has leaped with one hound into a circulation of 150,000 copies per week, and which may be supposed to represent what the raassesof the working-men are thinking, has steadily preached the danger of division, and the ranks are closing up. Mr. Davitt’s paper is a curious blending of socialism, Irish Nationalism, and Roman Catholicism, with a column of tips for the race•aurse included. It contains much rabid nonsense, as was to bo expected, but it promises to have influence over a wide area. In the present contest in the Eceles division of Lancashire, where the Gladstonians arc hopeful of capturing a seat, their candidate, Mr. Roby, has at the outset announced his intention to support an Eight Hours Act for those engaged in mining and “analogous trades,” whatever that may mean. Mr. John Morley, also, would fain have devoted his latest speech to the discussion of the eight-hours proposal of the congress if he could have torn his mind away from contemplation of the wrongs of the Irish nation, as illustrated at the courthouse of Tipperary. The misguided action of the police there has once more enlivened the sentiment of justice to Ireland, and the Government are probably regretting the new series of prosecutions. Mr. Morloy’s visit to the scene of the trials, and the narrow escape he had of being batoned by rash policemen, have made a sinister impression on the public mind. When the House of Commons meets, we are likely to hear again ad nauseam of Mr. Harrison’s broken head and Mr. Morley’s broken heart at Tipperary. Meanwhile the democracy, to whom the Irish question has become a mere episode in a greater and wider conflict, are taking some note of the proceedings.

MAKING EBADT FOE GLADSTONE. It will be interesting to observe how Mr. Gladstone, during his visit to Midlothian, will face the rising tide of socialistic feeling. In preparation for his advent, Sir George Trevelyan has been on a political pilgrimage among the crofters of the Hebrides and the far north. There was stormy weather on the Minch when he crossed it, and at the meetings stormy speeches were made about the iniquity of deer forests and the like. The Scotsman became angry, and lectured Sir George with great solemnity. But the honest Highlanders took no notice of its warnings. At Golspie the meeting had for chairman the Rev. J. Murray, convener of the County Council of Sutherland, and a resolution was enthusiastically carried in favour of a Parliamentary programme embracing the following measuresßational distribution of the Highland people upon the land, no man being charged a rent on his own improvements ; Irish and Scottish Homo Rule, disestablishment and disendowraent of the church in Scotland, one man one vote, simplification of registration, shorter Parliaments and payment of members, and local veto of the liquor traffic. The Scottish Home Rule Association has held its annual conference in this city, and seems to be very well pleased with the progress it has made, although outsiders do not clearly see wherein the progress consists. After Mr. Gladstone’s visit the defenders of the church are to spring to arms, and Midlothian will resound with their war-cry. At present the combatants in the church battle are measuring swords, for the strife has scarcely begun. Mr. Majoribanks, the Liberal whip, hasstartled the country with his suggestion that in the event of disendowment the application of the teinds should be left in the hands of parish councils, Mr. Asquith, member for East Fife, who is generally recognised as one of the coming men in politics, has pronounced rather in favour of Dr. Hunter’s plan of devoting the teinds to making secondary and university education free. With our foremost men in this confused state of mind the question may be regarded aa for the present far enough away from solution. And the “wobblers” are having a good time.

THE LABOUR WAR. News of the labour war in the Australian colonies is being received in the United Kingdom with deep interest. The unrest of the working-classes, or at least of their leaders, is observable in every issue of the daily papers, and the indications given of the leaguing of capital against labour, and of labour against capital, all round the world, are agitating all who follow the course of public affairs. The collapse of the Southampton Dockers’ Strike has been followed by a collapse of the threatened strike of the London Gaslight and Coke Company. The prospect of having London in darkness, oven for one night, alarmed the authorities, who announced their intention to make use of the military as labourers. Although no one feels sure that the military are to be depended upon since the mutiny of the Guards—and they have grievances enough of their own, poor fellows! —the workmen yielded in time and came to terms. On this side of the border things have not gone so smoothly. The iron-workers have been asking for the cessation of Sunday labour, or payment on that day for lime and a half. Everyone knows that in regard' to this they have for long had a hard time of it. But the employer's have damped down or blown out their furnaces, 4,000 or 5,000 men are out of employment, and the trade is almost at a standstill.

RIVAL RAILWAY SCHEMES. Everyone is more or less interested in preserving the beauty of our own romantic town, and Edinburgh people are particularly interested in obtaining better railway facilities. The town council have had before them representatives of the North British and Caledonian Railways with explanations of their schemes for getting a better hold of the east end of Princes street. The North British Company’s Waverley station has been the laughing-stock of the country all summer. In order to improve it they propose to double their main line eastward and westward, remove their goods station to the site of the gasworks, and acquire the Waverley Market for the purpose of turning it into offices connected with the station. This scheme involves cutting a slice out of our precious Princes street Gardens to the extent in the east gardens of Coft. on the north side and 70ft. on the south side. It will consequently be criticised with extreme jealousy. The Caledonian scheme also contemplates the acquiring of the market for station purposes, and the Caledonian will be quite agreeable to joining with the North British in forming a central station for the city. To this point their line would be extended from their present west Princes street station through a tunnel underneath Princes street. It is obvious that travellers would find a great advantage in being able to pass easily from the Caledonian to the North British system, but the North British fight shy of any interference with the monopoly which they have so long enjoyed, and abused.

THE CIIUKCII COXGHESS. In England tho Congregational and the Baptist Unions have been holding their autumn meetings, but the interest of them has been eclipsed by that of the Church Congress at Hull. Nothing could more clearly prove the revival of life and thought in tho Church of England than the expectancy with which tho public await the meetings of the congress. At Hull this year tho congress had for president the Bishop of Durham, the Archbishop of York having found himself at the last moment unable to attend. This was lue to illness brought on by overwork in connection with the congress arrangements, of which lie has been tho director. His influence throw the meetings chiefly into the hands of the Evangelical party, and there was a fresh, although not a very pungent, flavour about the proceedings. Tim Tuesday evening was devoted to the burning question of the day, the subject being, “ Tho Church’s attitude towards strikes and wages disputes with reference to labourers (skilled and unskilled), combinations of employers, and the general public.” One authority declares that the chief value of the discussion was the proof it gave that the social problem is “ receiving very careful and very impartial consideration from loading minds in Church circles.” I turn from this to the report for the present month of the

London City Mission, and I find the missionary to the “dockers ” declaring “Those men talk of their occupation as the last step before the workhouse. Ido not believe that Moffatt and Hannington in Africa, or Carey and Marshraan in India, mot with men so bad, so treacherous, or so filthy as these. They are sensual and devilish, and their language is beyond description.” But ho adds that he has found a way to their hearts. What will such men care for oven a very “ careful” and “ impartial” consideration of their case by leading minds in the Church ? It is to be feared, not much. And yet there were confessions made that the Church had much to learn from the working-man, and the Bishop of Durham “rejoiced to hear what had been said of what had been often the heroic sacrifice of men who would bear long sufferings themselves in order that they might raise their class. Nothing could be nobler, and nothing more completely fell in with the great message which they, as Christian teachers, had to deliver.” The subject of “Home Re-union” is another of those which occupy a prominent place at present, At the congress it was introduced by the Archbishop of Dublin, who, in a boldly conceived address, proposed fraternisation among the clergy and the laity as a step towards federation of the churches. And in the event of fusion being sought for, he would recommend that, while episcopacy be insisted on, re-ordinatien of non-episoopally ordained clergy be not demanded. The other speeches were in something of the same liberal tone. A deep impression was made by Bishop Barry, who said that his experiences on the other side of the world had indefinitely deepened his feeling, that the want of organic unity was one of the greatest wants of the time. Our unhappy divisions ho had found to be paralysing hindrances, and the strength which ought to bo spent in the service of God was too often spent in a material struggle for the existence of Christian churches. In connection with the evils of gambling and betting, a good deal of cynical and some sad amusement has been caused by the proposal of the Dean of Rochester to go straight to H.R.H. the Prince of Wales with a request that he will discountenance these practices. Those who know, shrug their shoulders.

In the discussion on Socialism, the Bishop of Durham was again to the front with his large-hearted view of the truth which lurks in the present movement. “Wage-labour,” he said, “ though it appears to be an inevitable step in the evolution of society, is as little fitted to represent finally or adequately the connection of man with man as at earlier times slavery or serfdom. Our position is one of expectancy or preparation, but we can see the direction of the social movement. We wait for the next stage in the growth of the State, when in full and generous co-operation each citizen shall offer the fulness of his own life, that he may rejoice in the fulness of the life of the body. Such an issue may appear to be visionary, it is, I believe, far nearer than we suppose.” This was the most noteworthy utterance of the Congress, and was characteristic of the general tone. No one pretended to believe that the existing organisation of society was just or satisfactory. The most practical form of dealing with the situation, so far as it can be directly touched by the church, was recognised to, 1 bo the foundation of lay brotherhoods for work among the masses. In favour of these, Archdeacon Farrar spoke with vehemence, and they were severely criticised by Bishop Ryle, but the archdeacon, and not the bishop, carried the congress with him. It is a curious fact that the discussion on the inspiration of Holy Scripture drew together a comparatively small and dull audience. Churchmen may turn from this learn that the questions which ate agitating the people are not the questions which are most agitated by them. The mass of the people would let the Bible take care of itself if only their pastors would take care of them. The congress reveals the fact that, hard-pressed by the social revolution, Christians are drawing together, and a new epoch of hope and love is beginning to dawn.