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THE PERMISSIVE BILL.
o TO THE EDITOE OF THE INDEPENDENT. Sib, — Tho information which you have given your readers on the subject of the Permissive Bill passed at Auckland, and tho probability of the passing of similar measures in Victoria and New South Wales, is most encouraging to those who have the temperance cause at heart, and will I hope convince everybody that an issue is soon to be presented for our verdict which we cannot evade. In England, Ireland, and Scotland, in the United States of America, in Sweden, in tho Australasian colonies, and in our neighbor province of Auckland, we have unmistakable evidence that the people will not much longer consent to be demoralised and destroyed by the public house system now in force among them, but that the time has come when the people themselves, and not a few (perhaps interested) justices of the pence, shall regulate the issue of licenses. Your morning contemporary, the " Advertiser," has in his number of the 18th instant, raised a point on which it is, as he says, desirable that there should be no mistake, that is — the payment of compensation in case the power of vetoing the renewal of existing licenses Bhould be given to the people. This power is given at Auckland, and is proposed to be given in all the other places mentioned, and in all without compensation. The " Advertiser" says — " We have heard it is said by the advocates of the bill that* no interference is wished with houses at the time holding licenses;" and he goes on to show from the Auckland act that this is not the case, but that the power of veto is intended to oxtend to all applications for licenses both for new and old houses. Of course it is. Only halfhearted social reformers, indeed, they must be, if any such there are, who would be contented with any law suoh as this. To withhold from tho people the right of vetoing the issue of licenses to existing public houses, would simply be to say that they should exist for all time. Five or six thousand there are now in New Zealand, one house in about; every twenty. It is to put down these distributors of misery, vice and crime that tho promoters of the Permissive Bill nail their colors to the mast, quite as much as to prevent the reckless increase of them, which, under the fostering care of licensing magistrates, goes on from year to year. The " Advertiser" having discovered the intention of the Permissive Bill, goes on to argue in favor of the absolute justice of paying com« pensation to the poor suppressed publican, and he urges several common- place arguments on behalf of his client. Now, we Permissive Bill people will cut these arguments and all others short, by a simple offer which we will make to the poor starved out, or to be starved out, proteges of the " Advertiser." Let us take an account and strike a balance, and let the party from whom it is duo pay it. Compensation to tho publio, and if found due to them, compensation to the people if the balance is in their favor. Let the people be charged with the cost of the plant and goodwill of the suppressed houses; but on the other hand, let the publicans refund to the people all the waste, destruction, impoverishment, coat of maintaining paupers, gaols, lunatio asylums, judges, police, widows, orphans, and deadhouses, which his trade has inflioted on the people ; and aa the publioans will individually receive the compensation to be paid for the suppression of their houses, lot them individually pay to the individuals injured the cost of reconstructing the drunkard's home, and replacing his family in the comfortable position which, but for the publican, its occupants might have enjoyed ; let them, if they can, repay the cost of the bodies and bouls of generations of men, oH ruining the minds of Btatesmen, orators, poets, olergy, mechanics, tradesmeu, fathers, mothers, sons and daughters, of whom the sooial body has, by the exeroise of the publican's cursed trade, been deprived from year to year. Why, Bir, the mere doctors' bills which their victims have paid would go far to balance the account. Our medical men well know how much of acute disease, and how much more of chronic and horoditaryis chargeableto the publican. Then, sir, when such an account as this j has been taken between the publican and the people, and the balanco struck, we will if it j prove to be against us willingly pay it. But how if it bo the other way ? as it undoubtedly will. How is the value to be estimated of broken hearts, of ruined health, of death, destruction of. families, waste of their power
of labor, and the million of other items of which the balance against the publican will be made up? What security can bo given us? Will his empty beer barrels and bottles, no longer useful, even to demoralize and destroy, pay the bill he owes us ? No, me, if he ha<i kept all the duty wealth which has passed through his bank book, which John .Wesley tells us he never has and never will, he could not pay the hundredth part of what he owes. When he talks of compensation, let him show how he is going to pay it, not what he is going to receive. Certain I am that in no country where the people are really alive to their own interest and understand what is due to them* selves, will the compensation cry be listened , to for a moment or suffered to stand for an hour in the way of the Permissive Bill. ' " ■ A The " Advertiser" and hie clients may reifc " assured that the Permissive Bill promoters in New Zealand will not show themselves weak enough to fall into the trap set for them. They have payed and are paying to the publican now for hs existence and will never consent to pay him a shilling for his annihilation. In England a» the crisiß of the struggle approaches the Licensed Victuallers as they are ludicrously called, are raising a similar cry, but it meets with little sympathy. Two hundred and thirty beer shops were cancelled in one day in Liverpool last yeaV, and not a shilling of compensation paid. The Alhambra and Highbury Barn dancing licenses (precisely analogous to a publican's license, and affecting immense gaias), have lately been taken away on account of the social demoralisation resulting from them, and no compensatioß either paid or demanded. People are beginning to «cc that no man can* have a. vested interest in a great social or moral' evil, and they are beginning x to have courage enough to button up their pockets wheaever the licensed victuallers cry, " Stand and deliver." I have already, I fear, exceeded the fair limits of your space and indulgence, but I must beg you in conclusion to find room for a letter on the compensation question, addressed by Sir Walter C. Trevelyan, the President of the United Kingdom Alliance, to the Secretary of that powerful body, in which he puts the case clearly and well, and indicates that the supporters of the Permissive Bill in England do not mean to be imposed upon by the insertion of any compensation clause in this measure.-— I am, &o, A. M. Htjdob. LETTER FEOM SIR WALTEB TBBYELYAN TO THE SEOBETABT OF THE UNITED KINGDOM ALLIANCE. Wallington, Neweastle-on-Tyue, Dec. 11; 1870. My dear Barker, — With regard to compensation, which I see is again talked about, it seems to me that the only compensation which could with justice be demanded is compensation for the conntleßS injuries- inflicted on society during the several generations by the moral, physical, and sooial evils which the manufacturers and dealers in alcoholic poison have scattered broadcast over the world, throughout which, whenever they have had the power, they have on all hands dealt death and destruction. But for this, not all the princely fortunes amassed by the lords of liquordum — the greater part of them wrung from the hard-earned wages of tho working man or from the ruin of many of their deluded customers — could ever suffice. What [could compensate for the tens of thousands whom they have pauperised and ruined in mind and body for the countless numbers with whom they have filled our gaols, our madhouses, union-houses, and hospitals ; for the crowds they have led to the gallows, or to suicide, or consigned to a premature grave; for the myriads of unhappy widows and orphans, whom they have bereft of their natural protectors and supporters? j It were vain to think that any amount of treasure could ever compensate for the untold evils which through the false agency of the devasting army of the manufacturers and [ dealers in the fascinating but fatal drug have directly or indirectly inflicted upon humanity. And as for compensation to those to those who have poured these manifold evils on mankind, should outraged society ever wisely deprive them of tho terrible power they have too long and almost without any check enjoyed of doing this mischief (although their vested interest in that power has been wisely limited to twelve months only, which is all that could reasonably be demanded, were there the least shadow of justice in the demand), the idea is too preposterous for it to be entertained by any rational person, as reasonably might the swindler, the gambler, the brothel keeper, or the baby farmer, expeot compensation, when prevented by law from any longer carrying on their nefarious, through profitable trades.— l remain, my dear Barker, yours truly, W. C. Tbeyelyan.
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Bibliographic details
Wellington Independent, Volume XXVI, Issue 3131, 23 February 1871, Page 2
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1,617THE PERMISSIVE BILL. Wellington Independent, Volume XXVI, Issue 3131, 23 February 1871, Page 2
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THE PERMISSIVE BILL. Wellington Independent, Volume XXVI, Issue 3131, 23 February 1871, Page 2
Using This Item
No known copyright (New Zealand)
To the best of the National Library of New Zealand’s knowledge, under New Zealand law, there is no copyright in this item in New Zealand.
You can copy this item, share it, and post it on a blog or website. It can be modified, remixed and built upon. It can be used commercially. If reproducing this item, it is helpful to include the source.
For further information please refer to the Copyright guide.