THE PRESS AND PUBLIC MEN.

Wellington Independent, Volume XIX, Issue 2094, 30 July 1864, Page 2

THE PRESS AND PUBLIC MEN.

In no other country than Great Britain is the liberty of free discussion so fully enjoyed or so dearly prized. Since the days when the English barons wrested from King John that great charter which was signed at Hunnymede, the people have gradually increased in power up to the present age, when, with a representative body elected From among themselves, controlled but in form by a Chamber of Peer* and a constitutional Sovereign; a Press conducted with unrivalled ability, to assort the vox populi and watch the working of political institutions, England may be said to be the best governed and freest country in the world. These privileges have not been obtained without a severeaud lengthened struggle. So long as the opinion of the Commonalty found no channel through which it could be expressed and directed in a consistent manner, for the attainment of the particular objects in view, its influence was but little felt, and the cause of " progress," as it has been termed, advanced slowly. But when the Press ceased to be the mere narrator of petty events and floating gossip ; when ," WoodfaU" published the proceedings of the Parliament, and " Junius," boldly impeached the statesmen of the day ; when the " news-letter" was exchanged for the leading article, then the Press assumed its true position, and became a power in the State. That its influence should now be so great is due to several causes, but to none more than the high principles on which it is conducted. It would be difficult to define positively what these are ; they constitute a lex non scripta — an unwritten law, which is perfectly understood and but rarely infringe. For instance, the acts of public men are by right rigidly criticised, the measures of a Government are subjected to the same process, but this criticism has clearly defined limits, and no journal of any standing and respectability, would in condemning the politician, attack the man, or in reviewing the policy of the Government, heap abuse on its individual members. Should a public man flagrantly outrage every principle of honor and probity, and his conduct be a scandal to the community amongst which he Jives ; then, for the sake of public morality, his retirement to the cold cell of private life might justly be insisted on, but happily such cases are exceptional, and the rule holds good that public men shall be judged by their public acts. Were ifc not for this recognised, immunity, the ablest men, who are often the most sensitive, would shrink from accepting a position which rendered them liable to be gibbetted and held up to ridicule, by any scoundrel who could ! invent a scandal or pen an invective. I We observe with regret that some Colonial journals altogether abandon, these principles. Fortunately, their number ■is but few, while their character is of the lowest kind. Indeed in New Zealand, we can only at present remember two, which have acquired an unenviable notoriety in this respect— a fame which is marvellously like infamy — the Dunedin Saturday Review and our local contemporary the Advertiser. The former we have not seen lately, so wo suppose through the combined agency of horsewhips, public opinion, and the law of libel, it has been extinguished, but the latter still lives to villify the community. An instance of this will be found in the " Photographic Sketches" of members of the Provincial Council which have recently appeared in its columns. The idea which suggested theso sketches was not a now one, as readers of the Illustrated London, Neios, will be familiar with the lucubrations of " The Stranger in the Gallery " and the "Lounger at the Clubs." IST ay, the Independent in past years has been the channel of similar effusions, the material difference in all these cases being, that while pleasant gossip and good-humoured satire were freely indulged, vile personalities and malicious abuse were as carefully avoided. We heartily wish for the credit of the order, that a similar discretion had been used in the case to which we allude. ' Provincial Legislators are fair Enough game for criticism, and there is no harm in sketching their individual ability and political standing even in a somewhat satirical vein. The sitters thus photographed may feel a little uncomfortable at the notoriety conferred on them, but it is only one of the penalties of their position, and if they are wise, they will join heartily in the laugh which is raised at their expense. This is by no means what has been done by

the writers iu the Advertiser. That journal has long systematically tried to degrade the character of nearly every public man in the Province, and in these sketches, with one or two exceptions, the members of the Provincial Council have been attacked in the grossest and most personal manner. Moreover, there was a .special unfairness in the way of doing the work. Every member who had supported the Government was made the object of abuse, while those on the opposition side either received a dose of fulsome flattery, or were let down gently. We could give a host of instances to prove this assertion. Mr De Castro, who sometimes votes on the Government side, and who by the way is a gentleman of respectable parts and fair scholarship, is characterised as " a most useless member, without an idea or opinion of lus own, and a comprehension utterly incapable of understanding those of any one else," while Mr Dransfield, the next in the list, who is generally against Government," " promises to become most useful and trustworthy, speaks well and fluently, and is the most independent member of the Council." Suppose these members to change sides — that Mr Dransfield supported the Government, while Mr De Castro was " a thick and thin " oppositionist, what then would the Advertiser have said? We should like in such a case to look upon the fresh pictures.

While there is but little principle or honesty displayed in making these attacks, there is eren less of common decency. Mr Johnston, than whom there are few better men in the House, has it insinuated that his support of the Government and his opposi tion* are alike prompted by self interest.

"Let," saya the writer, "a sum of £1000 be under the consideration of the Council, in which ho has an interest — for which some day or other he might be called to account—and mark the difference in his conduct when that is being voted away, and when several thousands of pounds in which he has no direct interest are being disposed of by the House in Committee," and then it is alleged, "that in the former case ho dashes at the Government with terrible impetuosity, while in the latter he invariably talks of the high mindedness and undoubted honor of the gentlemen on the Treasury benches." This system of imputing improper motives is as unfair to the individual as it is lowering to the body with which he is connected. Because Mr Johnston as a trustee of the Wellington Savings Bank, condemned its management and objected to a part of its assets being handed over to the Provincial Government, for a Grammar School and thus diverted from »its legitimate objects, he is forsooth acting from interested motives, while because he condemned the ridiculous attempt of a factious opposition to limit the term of the Appropriation Act, his motives are still opeu to question. Eeally we should like to know what is the Advertiser's niod,el of a perfect politician. Even " Andrew Marveil" would not have reached its standard. Indeed, unless a man were prepared to abandon altogether the right of private judgement, and become a "brainless automaton" ready to do the bidding of our beach contemporary, he is either " stupid, useless, dishonest," or all three put together.

We have shown the treatment which an independent member may expect at its hands, but this is nothing to the manner in which it deals with some others whom it heartily dislikes. Not content with accusing the Speaker of partiality in his rulings, a most grave charge, which is advanced without a single proof being adduced, he is also said " to be ignorant and stupid, and to dispute with the renerable Mr Spooner of the House of Commons, the claim to be considered the ugliest and the most vulgar man that ever sat in a Legislative Assembly in any part of the civilised world." After this choice specimen of libel, the writer does not of course hesitate in designating two other members as " finished hypocrites," and in making merry about the " bald head" of a third. It is with a feeling of shame that we make these quotations, which surpass anything we have ever seen in any English or Colonial journal. Nowhere but in America have such abominable productions ever disgraced the columns of the Piess. And what has been tho result of such license in that unhappy and sorely distracted country ? For year3 past its representative institutions have been a scandal to the civilised world, its best men have resolutely refused to enter public life, and political power has fallen almost exclusively into the nands of men alike ignorant, audacious. and unprincipled. What wonder is it if the most able men refuse to tako any part in politics when they may be inado the victims of attacks from a corrupt and venial Press, which knows no law but to pander to the passions of the multitude ? Are we* to have the same result brought about here ? This is a question which we seriously ask the community. If the Advertiser can with impunity attack in this manner every man in the Council whom it dislikes, what person of respectability will care to enter it ? Very probablythe Advertiser would like to see the Province repreionted by men whose ignorance would render them impervious to attacks, and with a Council of this kind and Mr Masters as Superintendent, tho desire of its heart would be fulfilled. But fortunately Now Zealand is not America, and the attempts of the editor of our contemporary to transplant here his experiences of Yankee rowdyism, will scarcely be successful until the tone of public feeling becomes changed indeed.