LONDON.

Wellington Independent, Volume XVIII, Issue 1961, 24 September 1863, Page 3

LONDON.

(FROM OCR OWN CORRESPONDENT.) July 27tb, 1863. The news brought us by tbe last mail has created a good deal of surprise and some apprehension. The public were unprepared for it, and a rumour of war was the last thing they expected. Of course a certain amount of uneasiness is felt by those who understand colonial politics, for after all the " murders" committed upon the officers and men of the escort may have been the prelude to a renewal of hostilities, and we know that deeds of treachery and violence like these committed by the Maoris are but too well calculated to provoke reprisal and summary vengeance. Still I think the general impres- | sion in England is that there will be no war, that the perpetrators of the outrage will be duly punished, and that tbe Maoris will not again attempt to measure their strength with ours. Should they do so now, after so much forbearance has been shewn them, so much sympathy called forth in their behalf, aad such ampin

"justice" accorded to them by the ruling autlioiities — it will be at their own peril. Certain '. lam that a fresh outbreak on the part of the. t . natives would shut the mouths of those who have heretofore been the Maoris friends — at least in England. There would then be no remedy but war. Still the old " war-at«any-price party" must not look upon this as a triumph. There is all the difference in the world between a war waged for a just and ligitimate purpose, and one which is undertaken wantonly and from selfish motives. The " war party" will of course bear this distinction in mind, should occasion present them with apparent ground for "triumph in respect of the policy of Governor Browne and bis supporters. But as I said before we do not think there wiil be another war at Taranaki or elsewhere. The war spirit seems to have died out to a great extent, except among a few tribes which are still fanatically attached to their pet idea of a "King," and these will be overawed by the presence of an imposing military force. Certainly the peace policy, or rather the policy of conciliation and justice inaugurated and carried out so consistently by Governor Grey cannot have failed to win over a great number of the natives to the side of law and order, and I be- ",: lieve it is generally admitted that such has been the result. Still the expediency of keeping up a military force in the colony for some time longer is fully recognised. I find that in reply . to a question put in the House of Commons a few erenings since by Mr Foster, as to whether Sir George orrey had applied to the Governor General of India for some Sikh regiments to be .. sent to New Zealand, Mr Fortescue stated that Sir G. Gre/ had reported by the last mail that there was reason to appiehend that the murder of the soldiers would lead to a renewal of the war, and that he had accordingly requested tbe Government here (o send out one regiment of Europeans and two regiments of Sikhs, as best adapted for tbe mode of warfare practised in New Zealand. From this it appears that Governor Grey ii fully alive to the critical posture of affairs, and that he has lost no time in , ' preparing for any emergencies that may arise. Indeed while pursuing the peaceful policy which he initiated at the outset, be has never lost sight of the judicious maxim — •' Si vis pauem para feellum" With regard to the petition from the inhabitants of Taranaki, I believe it is likely to be a : dead letter. It was introduced into the Upper House about a fortnight since, by Lord Lyttelton, who made a somewhat rambling speech on colonial politics in general, and did not support the prayer of the petition. The Duke of Newcastle as usual threw the responsibility of the late war upon the colonists, for whose- benefit and interests it was undertaken — it was owing to the urgency of their demands for land that hostilities occurred ; this country had no direct interest in the matter, and therefore the colonists must take tbe consequences. I merely. call the attention of your readers to this debate, which though short, is by no means devoid of - interest. The speech of Earl Grey will amply repay perusal — as he looked at the question from what muy be called a colonist's, .point .of-. . view. Tbe result, however, is that the colonists need not look for any active support or assist- ' ance from the Home Government in the matter of the Taranaki settlers. The argument is that tbe colony is rapidly increasing in numbers, wealth, and revenue, and that it can well ■ afford to make the compensation that has been awarded, at their own cost and credit. As regards another matter of great interest to the" - colonists — I mean the Panama route — a very interesting discussion recently took place in . Parliament. The question, however, is yet undetermined. The government and tbe press are not indisposed to favour the scheme, more ■ ' especially as the colonies guarantee so large a portion of the subsidy as £80,000. From inquiries instituted it is found that tie expense of the new route would be about £180,000 per annum. But the great drawback appears, to be that tbe distance is some three thousand miles greater by way of Panama, and that the • '■ -j mails would cousequently take 55 days to the Australian Colonies instead of 45 days as at present by way of Suez. But a new element was introduced into the calculation at the last moment by an offer on the part of the. Peninsular and Oriental Company, to convey an additional mail monthly to Australia for a sum of £50,000 a year. This offer is at present under consideration, and will be brought under ; the notice of the colonial authorities forthwith. This proposal seems to be of so liberal a character, that I do not think the colonies can reject it — especially Australia ; still I am incliued to think that the Panama route would for many reasons be tbe best for New Zealand — as it would insure greater certainty and regularity — most important considerations, though . economy might be on the other side. . . At the present moment we read of nothing but war and rumours of war from all points of the compass, aud for this reason it is perhaps that the prospect of another Maori war has Dot produced a greater sensation in England. Such an outbreak, however serious to colonist?, • dwindles into insignificance beside the contingencies of general warfare now on the tapis. : In the first place there are some murmurs about - a "difficulty" with China once more; there are symptoms of a rupture with Japan ; we hare some unpleasant matters to settle with some tribes on the West coast of Africa ; the American war is still raging in full force; the Mexican war carried on by the ■ French ia scarcely over; and last and most important of all — there is every symptom at ■ the present moment of a war with Russia — into which I think England can scarcely avoid being dragged. Indeed tbe wholo civilized . world is already up in arms or likely to rise. The crisis is a most important one. We need great statesmen at the helm of affairs just now < to keep us from " drifting " into war, as we did in '53, and at the same time to enable, us to maintaia our prestige amongst the great Powers of Europe. The difficulty is to reconcile the . two things. If we abstain from war, we shall. certainly lose a great part of our pre-eminence, • and authority in the council of European States.; and on the other hand, if we enter into the impending struggle, we know not where it may . lead or what cost it may entail ; and certainly - we have no " material interests " at stake— -no material objects to be gained which could in. a . pecuniary sense in any way compensate us. for , the expenditure of blood and treasure^ which a general war would entail upon us. We know full well how large a sum was added to .our... national debt by the series of wars in whichjwe were engaged at tbe end of the last and the-. beginning of the present century, and we know, that the " material advantages " which we s , gained were absolutely nil. This consideration - t makes us cautious at the present juncture. Bui, , then, on the other hand, the honor of England, is concerned. Her fair fame as a first class ■; European power is at stake if she abstain front; ., taking paTt in transactions in which the Euro- , pean family of nations is concerned ;it .would.' be to abdicate her power and authority, were v she to stand aloof while the map of Europe was:undergoing revision ; her voice would no longer be listened to, and she would forfeit the respect^ of others, as well as aelf-respect were she to be. , swayed by mere considerations of the " c°s*»' I, from taking her proper part in European dqK-. t liberations, and from following out to their, v ultimate result the final issue of such delibera«T'| tions. In short, if England is to continue het, „ position as a great leading power in Europe, ; tj<* ? make her voice heard in its Cabinets, to give " weight and authority to her utterances, arid to make herself (as she has heretofore beon) feared/ : J

and respected all over the world, she must be prepared by foice of arms to assert her positionOtherwise, she will be mocked, and scoffr-d, and scorned, and derided by her neighbour, who will take care not to consu't her in futur<?, but will allow her to drop to the rank of a secondrate power— a mere trading community. In expressing these opinions, I am not merely Stating my personal views, i belie, o these opinions are entertained bya majority of thinking men who understand European politics, and who duly appreciate the position which England should occupy in European Councils. But I must also add, that there are others who think that on no account skould England suffer herself to be drawn into a general war. Political writers and speakers both in and out of Parliament, are very shy just now of " spesking out" their sentiments boldly and deliberately. Were they to utter their opinions with candour, it would be in favour of war ; but knowing the responsibility of such a course they speak in veiled language, and rather hint their views than express them. Even the Times newspaper is oracular, and obscure, and winds up a recentarticle on the present crisis by stating that " It will be certain ruin to any minister, that may declare war." After all this I need not say that the cause of all this complication is the Polish difficulty. The question is becoming more and more involved. Diplomacy has tried its hand at a practical solution, and has failed. Nothing further remains to be done. The power of words has been exhausted— deeds alone will now avail. Since I last wrote to you the plot has thickened with extraordinary rapidity. There was then &orne prospect of a peaceful settlement of the Polish question ; England, France and Austria, by reason of certain rights accorded to them by the treaty of Vienna, and in pursuance of an invitation on the part of Bussia for a " friendly interchange of ideas" on the Polish difficulty, made each of them communications to the Russian Cabinet some six weeks ago setting forth "six points" founded on the treaty of Vienna, as a basis for the solution of the question at issue. These points involved an armistice, or general amnesty, autonomy or self government, the use of the national language, and some other minor points, together with a conference of all the powers that were parties to the treaty of Vienna. The answer was waited for with great anxiety. It has at length ariived and has disappointed the hopes that were entertained. It peremptorily declines an armistice — it also declines a conference which is says would he useless, and that Bossia as a great power could not admit any interference in the regulations of its interaal affairs; that the "six points" are admitted in substance by the Russian Cabinet, but that it must use its own discretion as to the lime and mode of giving them effect. That, moreover, no steps of a pacific tendency can be taken bj Bussia until the Poles have laid down their arms, and thrown themselves upon the clemency of the. Emperor, and that any other course would be inconsistent with the authority and dignity of the Sovereign. The three replies which have been sent to the Cabinets of Austria, Paris, and London, drawn up by Prince Gortschakoff are models of literary conipositioa and diplomatic skill. While using the most courtly and -polished language in his despatches he contrives to insinuate the most taunting sarcasms and the bitterest irony, while he does not for a moment conceal his "opinion that Paris is the very focus and hotbed of the Polish insurrection, and that it is altogether owing to the moral support received from England and the hopes of ulterior material aid from France I tbatresolutions has not long sicce been crushed. But while declinißg to admit the intervention I in any way of France or England, Russia inyites Austria and Prussia as parties most nearly interested to discuss with her the measures which may be most advisable to adopt for the future with regard to Poland. This invitation, however, was peremptorily rejected by Austria who is unwilling to be detached from the Western powers, and who has resolved to co-operate with them in any measures which they may adopt. -So far all is well. Austria, France and England are at present of one accord — only that- France seems to be much more in favor of war than either of the two other powers, at least if w» may judge from the language of the press* No doubt France would be the great gainer by a war with Russia. In the first place she looks upon herself as the natural protection of Poland, between whom and herself there is a great sympathy, and whose sons fought in former times under the standard of the first Napoleon. To restore that nation to independence, and thereby to destroy the last shreds •of the treaty of Vienna, founded upon the downfall of Napoleon's greatness is a work which every Frenchman must have deeply at heart. Moreover it is quite certain that a readjustment of the map of Europe would give the present Emperor a great " material advantage" in the shape of the left bank of the Bhine — that is to say the Prusso- Rhenish provinces. Then again it would tend to confine Austria in her present possessions while it would give her the least in German affairs which Prussia has virtually forfeited by its re trograde and unconstitutional policy. Indeed at the present moment constitutional liberty in Austria is far more advanced than Prussia. But as regards England I know of no "material" advantage which it could hope to gain by a European war. The chief inducement for this country to take part in such a war would be on the grounds of humanity, and for the sake of liberating a down-trodden people from the iron yoke of Russia — added to which, as before observed, is the fear that she would lose her moral power and dignity by holding aloof. I must here add that Lord Russell lately brought great odium upon himself both at home and abroad by "a base and degrading" declaration which j he made in his place in Parliament, to the effect that under no circumstances would England allow herself to be drawn into a continental war for the liberation of Poland. Such a declaration, pending negociations, was looked upon as most indiscreet and unwise, but his lordship has since taken opportunity of modifying that statement to some extent. Indeed if there were no wholesome apprehension of ulterior consequences, diplomatic proceedings would be regarded as an empty farce; as they derive their force mainly from the fear that when they fail rec»uise will be had to the ultima ratio regum. From the foregoing statements you will clearly perceive that Europe is on the look out for squalls — nay, a thunderstorm may burst at any ! moment over our heads. We don't quite know what the Government will do — nor, I believe, do they know themselves, lam strongly impressed with the conviction that the country is prepared for war, aud that it would support a War Ministry in the present crisis. By far the most able speech of the session, as regards our foreign policy in the case «f Poland was delivered a week since by Mr Horsman in the House of Commons. It goes into the whole subject and will amply repay perusal. He also greatly distinguished himself some time sine* in the debate on America ; his abilities are of the most conspicuous and commandiug character, and I greatly mistake if he does not before many years are ovei, occupy a leading position in the British Cabinet. Parliament will close in the course of a few days : the Session on the whole has been (what it promised at the outset) uneventful in legislative labors. .Passing over minor events and petty incidents of^ Merely ephemeral interest, I must now say a few words on the second great topic of the day —the American war. Fortune, for the momen t, teems to have bestowed her favours once more

upon the Federal cause. The Confederates have recently suffered some very decided reverses — the most severe which they have experienced since the taking of New Orleans. Vicksburg and Port Hudson have both fallen after a protracted siege, Vicksburg although the strongest fortified place on the American continent, next to Quebec, was unable to hold out any longer for want of supplies of ammunition and provisions, otherwise it could have defended itself for an indefinite period. As yet we are not in possession of full particulars, but it appears that on the 4th of Jnly, (aeneml Pembei'lon, who held the place (and who as a native of Philadelphia, was suspected of Northern " proclivities") sent, out a Hag of tnice, offering to surrender to General Grant, on the condition of being allowed to march out with the honors of war. This, Geueral Giant of course peremptorily refused to do, whereupon the Confederate»€reneral was forced to make an immediate surrender. The Federals have taken some twenty or thirty thousand prisoners besides all the materiel of war which the place contained. As regards Port Hudson it is said to have given way a few days after This is a terrible blow to the Confederate cause. Great blame is attributed to Geueral Johnstone for not having attempted to relieve Pemberton ; but it is said that he considered the achievement impossible. The Federals, besides having their gun-boats on the Mississippi, ou one side of Vicksburg, had a cordon in the shape of a semi-circle drawn all round the citadel on the land side. This cordon consisting of 100,000 men, were entrenched in such a way upon ground of their own choosing that General Johnstone who had only 35,000 men under his command, considered that it would be a mere waste of life to attack so large an army at so great a disadvantage. At all events no attempt was made, and the Federal fortunes are once more in the ascendant upon the Mississippi. The whole river is now at their command as regards its course through the Southern States. But besides this another series of terrible battles, extending as usual over three days, has heeu fought in Pennsylvania and Maryland, between the main bodies of the Confederate and Federal airuies, but without any decisive result. Some twenty or thirty thousand men or more must have fallen or otherwise, and the issue is regarded simply a3 a ■' drawn battle." The engagement in question took place in the three first days of the present month, at a place called Gettysburgh, which is I believe in Pennsylvania. Towards the latter end of June, General Lee with an army of abovt ] 50,000 men crossed the Potomac, outflanked General Hooker, marched into Maryland and Pensylvannia, and took some towns of minor importance on his route. His object could not be guessed. He might have contemplated an attack upon Baltimore, Pittsburg, Philadelphia or even Washington. Of course, theie was considerable alarm felt for the safety of these cities, and yet there was singular apathy at New York. Meanwhile, State Goven.ors made large requisitions for militia, but the demand was by no means so promptly responded to a3 might have been expected. At all events there was one change made in the Federal army) which probably saved Philadelphia, Baltimore, if not Washington itself. General Hooker resigned his command and was replaced by Geueral Meade, heretofore unknown to fame, except as a General of Division, and it is owing to the prompt and efficient measures which he took that the Confederate General was eventually forced to beat a retreat. General Lee, it must be observed, was not repulsed on the field of battle, for ou the evening of the third day, the contending armies held respectively the positions which they had previously taken up. it was supposed that the battle would eventually be renewed ; but the latest accounts which have reached us state that Geueral Lee has withdrawn once more across the Potomac into Virginia, and that one of the objects of his " invasion " was to get supplies for his forces— a result which he is said to have achieved with some success. Meanwhile Washington is safe tor the present, and the drooping spirits of the Federals have once more been raised. I should mention that accounts also reach us that the Federal forces have renewed their attack upon Charleston, and thaton this occasion the assault has been made by land ; the Federals having thrown a number of troops upon Morris Island, by which means they purpose getting to the south of Charleston, as the best mode of accomplishing their object. Whether they will be successful or not it would be idle to speculate. If Beauregard be present I think they will very likely be driven into the sea; but the report is that he left Charleston with 35,000 men in order to assist General Lee, and that the Federals availed themselves of his absence, to renew their former attack. However, to sum up. It will be some time before the Confederates can recover the disasters of the last month. The Federals, whom, as I said before, it has been the fashion to stigmatise as the "scum of Europe," " a Yankee rabble," &c, have proved abundantly that they can fight and fight well too, when properly led by officers in whom they have confidence, and who know what they are about — albeit they are "mercenaries," fighting for a cause in which they cannot possibly have so much interest as their opponents. As may be imagined the New York press is in high glee, and people are already speculating upon the terms which shall he offered to the South upon laying down its arms. But they may be sure that all their speculations are as yet premature. Should the South eventually be forced to lay down its arms it will be owiug to wantof supplies — not of men. Whereas with the North the contrary will be the case. The consciiption was lately commenced at Philadelphia, Boston, Baltimore, and New York, but the attempt has caused such terrible riots in the latter city that the project will probably have to be yiven up altogether. The accounts of these riots have only just reached us. It is impossible to exaggerate the gravity and importance of the crisis at New York. The outrages committed by an infuriated mob of upwards of fifty thousand persons are of the most unparalleled character. Public building.s, private dwellings, newspaper offices, bare been stormed and burnt to the ground, while the un fortunate " niggers" were hunted like rats, and obliged to hide themselves from the savage fury of the mob. Police, and Militia, and Military had all to be called out to quell the riots, and some score of persons have been killed and Hounded. This was all owing to the " conscription" which had just been commenced, and shews the strong dislike which the Federals entertain of being drafted nolens volens into a war which they dislike, and of which they aie heartily sick and tired. It is said that Governor Seymour had to telegraph to the President for an order to discontinue the conscription before the rioting could be quelled. Of couise the example of New Yoik will be followed in the other States and cities, and if this be the case— how is the President to raise any more troops for the prosecution of the war. I take it we have not yet heard the last of these fearful liots, which would seem to inaugurate a reign of terror and not of law in the first city of the " Union " I have no room and lo time left for home news. Post hour is at hand. The weather has been very fine for the last month, and there is every promise of an abundant harvest — the best in fact that we have had for many years. Ceieals will give a plentiful yield and the potato crop, which is a splendid one both in England and Ireland, shows no symptoms whatever of blight up to the present time. Trade on the whole has been brisk, and the prices of wool me fully maintained.