THE Wellington Independent. " Nothing extenuate; Nor set down aught in malice." THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 20, 1862.

Wellington Independent, Volume XVII, Issue 1794, 20 November 1862, Page 3

THE Wellington Independent. " Nothing extenuate ; Nor set down aught in malice." THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 20, 1862.

« THE CRISIS OF MEN AND THINGS." An article with this title appeared * few weeks since in the Canterbury Press, to which it may be useful to refer. We always open the Press \ with pleasure, because it is about the only New Zealand paper whose editor wields a A free lance ; — and though, of course, when that knee is tilted against views which we hold, we think the Press decide Jly mistaken ; yet, as it is more often tilted against those views which we think to be erroneous, we usually find in its columns that which induces us to turn to them regularly and with pleasure. The article above mentioned, adduces four illustrations of its title ; only on the first o 1 * which we think it necessary to comment at any length. A crisis is a trial, a special point in mon's lives which tries them, and shows what metal they are made of, and brings out the ring, true or false. Veiy often such a trial conies onoe and for all suddenly, and demanding instant action. It comes, it is gone ; we have been tried, stood the trial, or Bunk under it. All our future career depended on that moment. "There ia a tide in the affairs of men, which, taken in the flood, leads to fortune." There have been several snch trials and crisises during the recent session of the Assembly, and within the last few months. First came Air Fox's crisis — we do not mean hia ministerial crisis, but his own political trial. When his Ministry had resigned, and an attempt was made to form a coalition between him and Domett, in which he was to play second fiddle to a conductor who did not know his notes, of course it was a sharp trial, not only to a man's amour propre, but also to his sense of what his party required of him, and still more to his judgment whether the orchestra could keep time and tune with such a leader. Still the precedents of English history were very much in favour of his taking the post. Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston had often changed places as leader and follower— but then Domett never was Fox's equal as a politician or an administrator. Still, in the days of our fathers and grandfathers, the English Cabinet usually had a fine figure-head, made of wood or plaster as the case might be, and the men of pith served in the second rank. There was always at the head of the Cabinet a man like the Luke of Newcastle, who lost half an hour in the forenoon and spent the rest of the day in looking for it, and who got the elder Fox to take office, not only under himself as premier, but under Sir Thomas Robinson in the House of Commons. One can almost fancy our Mr. Fox saying of his would-be leader what the elder Pitt said, to Fox on that occasion, " The Duke might as well Bend his jackboot to lead us !" Then again there was a Pelham, and a Rockingham, and a Bute, all set up as figure heads ; so that Mr. Fox might have had plenty of precedents for taking office under Domett. As the principles of Domett's Ministry were the same as bis own, with the one nominal exception of responsibility iri native affairs (nominal, we say, for look at the present Ministry's resolutions on the subject), Mr. Fox might have taken office with not only a clear but a noble conscience. He would have ere long been the acknowledged and not only the de facto loader ; he would have gained the respect of the whole country for his unselfish willingness to give his services to the Government at a time when his name was needed to give confidence to the Natives ; and the only risk he and we ran was whether he could keep his satire in order, and not complete the parallel of his namesake, who, when Sir T. Robinson had made a blunder in the House, rose in his vindication, and " accounted for the blameable expressions by his total inexperience and ignorance of the matters before the House." Fox telling the story afterwards said, 11 Sir Thomas did not like it* However, here was Mr. Fox's crisis in our Assembly, and [in his own career. He declined Domett's offer ; his host colleagues joined the new Ministry, and his hopes of return to office are in nubibus." Now we think there can be no question that so far from there being anything " noble " in Mr. Fox's submitting to play second fiddle to Mr._ Domett, there would have been, under the circumstances, something very humiliating. Had Mr. Fox been a private member, then there would have been no reason why he should not have joined Mr. Domett; but as it was, a coalition must have resulted in certain failure. Take the simile which the Press gives, and let us imagine for a moment what be the consequence if, on the appearance of any musi cal star, " a conductor who did not know his notes," was placed over the orchestra. Would not irretrievable, confusion follow, temper be lost, and the performance brought to an end amidst the hisses of the audience. The failure would affect very little the "conductor who did not know his notes," but it would be a serious blow to the "star." He might just as well 11 bang up his fiddle old banjo," since it would be difficult to induce the public to listen to his pretensions again, all the while the same conductor remained at the head of affairs. Send the conductor about his business, and " under entirely new management," the " star" would soon be judged by his own merits. Thus supposing the Press is right iv saying that Mr. Domett stands towards bis ministry in the same relation as a conductor ignorant of notes does towards bis orchestra, it must be evident that so soon as the session was over, and the ministry got to work, very little hafmony would follow ; indeed, it would be fortunate if the discord were not so great as to prevent the ministry holding together. In such a case, the conductor being premier would remain and the " star" retire in disgust. In every difference of opinion Mr. Fox, whose reputation would depend on his continuing to carry out that line of policy which gave him office last year and rendered Mr. Domett desirous of obtaining him this, must have yielded to Mr. Domett; in no case would Mr. Domett be obliged to yield to Mr. Fox. There would hare been nothing " noble" in his accepting such a position — nothing " noble "in his being led by a "jackboot ;" but to our minds, and we are sure also to the mind of the Press if he were thrown pnto a similar situation, something most humiliating, A pnblie man has especially to guard himself from the suspicion of being actuated by " a love of office," which in common parlance means a love of its emoluments ; and unjustly as Mr. Fox was maligned in this respect, there "would have been such an appearance of it had ho been willing to play second sddle to a conductor ignorant of bis notes, as to have destroyed the opinion which his friends have always held, that his desire for power arose from political, not from pecuniary motives. If Mr. Fox's services are ever called into requisition again, it willbe with the conviction that hisrepu-

tation for unselfishness stands high ; had he lost his reputation, then ho would have lost more than years of office could equivilate. The formation of the Domett ministry did try what metal Mr. Fox was made of, and the ring was certainly clear andtiue.

Now for another crisis. Domett was on his trial when ho had made Sewell a definite odor of tho Attorney-Generalship with a seat in tho Cabinet, and when Mr. T. Russoll, of Auckland, thereupon resigned his seat in tho Executive, and when Domett Btill persevered in offering by letter the seat to Sewell. At this juncture Stafford, " the destroying angol," and his party, threaten to withdraw their confidence from the Ministry if Sewell in admitted and T. Russell is out. Fox asks Domett in the House whether Sowell is to be his Attorney-General. That was Domett's crisis ; he was tried in tho balance and found wanting. Ho ate not merely hia words, but his letters, and said that tho point was under con. sideration, and ho would give an answer on Monday. Scwell was in tho House as a listener ; up ho starts, beckons Fox, authorises him to decline on his behalf, the proffered seat. Domett's crisis has soon come and gone.

Our opinion of Mr. Domett's crisis, which so soon came and went, was expressed at the time. It was a crisis also to Mr. Sewell, aud if any of those who witnessed that memorable seeue feel inclined to blame Mr. Sewell for acting hastily, we deplore the cold blood that flows in their veins. There are times when a man does well to be angry ; does well to exorcise that feeling' of indiguation, which the Creator implanted within us to resist oppression and expose meanness, and this was certainly one of them. The riug of Mr. Sew ell's metal was clear and true, however uncertain or false that of Mr. Domett's was. We will venture on a third crisis. Perhaps it is not too much to Bay that the Govornov is on his special trial. It is a great crisis in his life. He is sent here, as Sir Charles Napier was to India, at a great emergency. The Homo Parliament, and the best part of this country demanded him. He accepted the post, but has not. been at it half a year before ho gets a series of despatches from the Secretary of State for the Colonies, which, for sharpness and unfeeling want of sympathy and support, are unparalleled probably iv the records of the Colonial Office ; and this, too, addressed, not to the man who got the country into the war, and the Homo Government into the cost and the debt, but to the man whom they sent to get them out of the trouble. That is his position from one point of view. Now, on the other side, he gets equally bad treatment from the Colonial Logislaturo ; for, having met the often expressed wishes of the Legislature to have Ministerial Responsibility in Native affairs, by at once granting it, and recommending it successfully to the Secretary of State, instead of receiving thanks for the concession, it is thrown in his teeth, and ropudiated, to the lasting disgrace of the Assembly of 1862. Being then' thus bantered on both sides, the natural feeling of an ordinary man would be to throw up the cards, and let both parties, at home in the colony, play the game blindfold. There are Cleous in the Country who would undertake at a moment's notice "to restore and avenge " Sphactoria ! There are men like Bottom the Weaver, who do the roaring of the lion in the House, but when they themselves are called upon to show moral courage in their own forests, shrinks back into their lairs, and p.tlo before provincial buffaloes, as Livingstone says African lions do. This, therefore, is Sir George Grey's crisis. If he is England's truly " great Proconsul" ho will be equal to the occasion, bide his time, do his work, and right tho ship. Wo hope ho has got it in him. It is worth noting that, contemporaneously, hiu ts appear to have been dropped in various parts of New Zealand about the probability of Sir George Grey's resigning ; and bis apparent inaction has beeu described as the altitude of waiting for his successor. We do not believe that Sir George has failed in bis crisis. Had he resigned before the close of the session it w ould certainly have been known ; and we do not believe since then, there has been anything which would induce him to do so. We believe that '• he is England's truly great proconsul,' 1 that "he will be equal to the occasion, bide his " time, do his work and right the ship" — and that he will right it peaceably if that be possible. Passing over the fourth illustration which tha Press gives, having reference to the conduct of the natives at the wreck of the Lord Worslcy (sufficiently alluded to in our last) we would just mention one other crisis which it would have been well to have noticed. To no politician did a crisis ever more clearly occur, than it did last session to Mr. Fitzgerald. We are surprised that the Press should have omitted to notice it. It was a finer illustration than any of the others — than all of them pnl together, of the definition with which the Press opens its article. " A crisis is a trial, a special " point in men's lives, which tries them, and " shows what metal they are made of, and " brings out the ring true or false, Very often " such a trial comes once and for all, suddenly, " and demanding instant action. It comes, it is "gone ; we have been tried, stood the trial or sunk " under it." Mr.Fitzgerald expounded viows in re ferenceto the native race, which he believed to be the only means of savingthem. They were views which all admitted did his heart honor, though some were dubiou s, and others convinced that they would not be found to tend practically to the credit of his head.' They were views, the tendency of which — the pacification of the Maori without ruining the settlers — found favor and support with a much larger number of members than voted for bis celebrated" Maori nobility " resolutions, all of whom would have rejoiced to see him Premier. The crisis came. Mr. Fitzgerald was sent for. All parties were pleased at the intelligence, and were ready to contribute to his support. Mr. Fitzgerald declined. The crisis was over. It came suddenly, it demanded instant action, it went — nevermore to return. Mr. Fitzgerald may and probably will be in power some time or other during the next few years, but the opportunity for carrying out his native views will never again occur as it did then. Perhaps the Press will tell us whether it thinks the ring of the Fitzgerald metal was in thutciisis, quite as clearasitshould have been.