POLITICAL SITUATION.

Wanganui Herald, Volume XLIX, Issue 14235, 7 March 1914, Page 5

POLITICAL SITUATION.

MASTERLY EXPOSITION. TELLING SPEECH BY MR. C. W. RUSSELL. LIBERAL AIMS OUTLINED. (Ter United Press Association.) CHRISTCHURCH, March 5. Mr G. W. Russell, M.P. for Avon, addressed his constituents to-night, ahd was accorded a most enthusiastic reception, tiie hall being crowded .in spite ,of heavy rain. Amongst those present were Messrs T. K. Sidey, 11. G. Ell,_L., M. Isitt, G. Witty, and J. McCombs, M.P.’s. Having paid a high tribute to the late Mr George Laurenson and explained that he was speaking for himself and not for the Opposition party, Mr Russell went on to deal with the events of last session. He said last session was in many ways a most important one. In the first place, through the incompetence and unpreparedness of the Government, it was the longest on record—only ten days short of six months. The Massey party when in Opposition had promised a reform of Parliamentary procedure. They promised shorter hours and less lengthy sessions. They had failed to give effect to these promises, because their bills were not ready and because as a body the party was weak and inefficient. The members of it were in fact the greatest collection of mediocrities that ever occupied the Treasury benches. Having referred to the earlier “stonewalls” and shown that they were justified by the circumstances, he touched upon the “stonewall” in connection with the second ballot. FIGHT FOR CLEAN ELECTIONS. He had never been enamoured of the second ballot. He had had two experiences ox elections under it, and on each occasion had to win his seat twice over. As a Minister in the Mackenzie Government he had prepared a bill to abolish the second ballot, substituting, the transferable vote which had proved so successful in Queensland, Victoria, and West Australia. When the Massey Government took office it inserted in the Budget of 1912 the words:—“ The Government is fully sensible of the great necessity for electoral reform, and in due course a measure will be submitted for the consent of members i by which the system of the second ballots will be repealed and another method of election substituted.” With the lesson of Urey before them, however, the Government finally proposed to repeal the second ballot, substituting nothing whatever in its place, but reverting to the old "first past the post” system. A great fight took place over this. The Opposition was fighting for a clean election and against the power of money to put up candidates as vote-splitters. In the end the Opposition was beaten, but how was it beaten? It was beaten by a chairman of committees and a Speaker who invented a closure—a guillotine—to stifle the discussion and to enable this iniquitious suppression of the rights of the people to be carried out. Throughout that fight the Opposition adhered strictly to the letter of the standing orders of the House. LIBERAL LEADERSHIP. Touching upon the Liberal leadership, Mr Russell said that during the 1912 session and down to September 15th, 1913, the Liberal party was without a leader, the management beiner in the hands of a committee. They put up a gallant fight, but the scheme could not be continued. On September 15th tlie leadership was accepted by Sir Joseph ■ ard—(applause)— at the unanimous request of the party, and from that date he assumed complete control and directed its tactics and operations. Sir Joseph Ward’s recent utter- , ances showed that ho was keenly alive to the responsibilities of this high office as leader of the great Liberal party. He had declined to announce a policy at present, as he considered it imprudent to offer proposals which were likely to be stolon by the enemy,.and also because he desired public attention to bo concentrated on the failures and shortcomings of the Massey Government. In this line of action he was supported by the party. At the same time the speaker contended there must be a clear definition of the fixed and unalterable principles for which the Liberal party stood. When the policy was announced he hoped it would be so clear and distinctive in its Liberalism that no Conservative party could appropriate it. (Applause.) A FORWARD POLICY. They were now engaged in the work of recreating the Liberal party, and its foundations must be laid deep and solid. Mere opportunism was useless; they must fix the goal in their minds’ eye and steadily work towards it. He believed the . people were ready for a forward policy. For twenty-one years the Liberal party had led the way, and other countries had been glad to follow in their steps. He hoped they were now about to start another era of Liberalism, and he felt sure that if the people again entrusted the party with the task of governing ’' the country the Liberal party would again ' justify their confidence. As their member 1 and as one of the rank and file of the Liberal party, he would that evening express his personal convictions on some matters, but in doinjr so he was in no way committing either the leader or ' the party to his views. t . ROOT PRINCIPLES OF LIBERALISM. 1. Government by the people for the i people, and not for any one class, section, i or interest. Arising out of this were the I following popular rights: r , = (a) The use of the national revenues pud credit to defeat monopoly and reduce the cost of living. (b) To compel the subdivision of lands to the utmost limits of profitable occupation. (c) To set a standard of remuneration in the public services that would react II ■ upon all public and private services and employments. (d) To use the national revenue and credit for the development of the nah tional estate and the creation of public 8 wealth. (e) To retain the undiscovered mineral wealth of the country, and to work the same for the common weal ?■ (f) To establish State Farms, factories, and workshops in order to provide employment for the delicate and infirm and those who had passed the meridian of v life. ", 2. The right of every child to good ' health and the highest education practics able. 3. The right of every person to medical and legal assistance. >r 4. The duties and responsibilities of the State to assist parents in rearing families and of appropriately providing for the old age of those who had done so. 5. The right of every honourable and right-living man and woman to a reason-

able share of the comfort and happiness of life. LAND PROBLEMS. After dealing with finance in some detail, Mr Russell turned to the land problems. These, he said, presented themselves to him as follows: 1. Mow to satisfy the earth-hunger which was rampant in town and country. 2. How to steadily convert urban and .•ity dwellers into producers. 3. How to fill up vacant places in the Dominion, thus increasing exports, and 4. How to give the youth of the Dominion the opportunity to go on the land ind become tillers of the soil. In his opinion, the question of tenure was settled. The State leasehold had been twice established, and twice it had gone down. Mr Rolleston’s perpetual leasehold was hilled by his own party, and the lease in perpetuity and renewable lease of the Liberals had been destroyed by the Massey Government. It was iseless to think of resuscitating the leasc.o— tenure. Directly 20,000 men got the land as lessees they cried out for the freehold, and the tenure became a ihuttlecock in the political game. A limited freehold, with severe laws against aggregation, would be the tenure of the future. POSSIBLE SOLUTIONS. This, however, would not settle the land. Nearly the whols of the Crown lands ■iad Meen sold, and they must look towards the private owner. The primary consideration must be-profitable use, and the nethods that might be used would bo the graduated tax (which might be largely inu'ea.sed), the purchase of land under the band for Settlements Act, and the compulsory sale by owners under proper re■trictions. The graduated tax was more in istrument of revenue than an aid to iettlemcnt, but it would have its effect on settlement to a moderate degree. The Land for Settlements Act as now administered was a spent force. The average value of holdings purchased was about £I3OO, which meant that an expenditure of half a million per annum would settle '.ess than 400 persons per year. He. would recommend the application of the Act in the direction of cutting land into holdings if an average value of about .£SOO. I'hat would settle the country at the rate of 1000 new settlers annually. The State should spend the money for the erection of homesteads, and let the occupiers spend their capital on stocjc and implements. (Applause). ECONOMIC CONDITIONS. Mr Russell refered in caustic terms to the Government’s naval proposals, and to its management of the public service. After detailing the incidents of the strike he said that whilst he had no sympathy with the aims and methods of any Socialistic body such as the Federation of Labour, whose declared aim was to overturn society as it at present existed and to nationalise the means of production, distribution, and exchange, he had every sympathy with the aspirations of the workers to obtain better homes and a reasonable measure of the comforts and enjoyments of life for themselves and their wives and children. Economic conditions were in a state of flux. Old ideas were giving way. The worker was justly looking for a larger share of the products of his Labour. It was the duty of Liberal leaders—and it would be the work of the Liberal party—to aim at directing the political and economic forces of the country so that this good result might be attained with justice to both worker and employers. It was a large problem, but should not be incapable of solution if approached in a proper spirit. Mr Rusosll asked what was the Government’s policy, and proceeded to answer his own question. V DISMAL RECORD OF RETROGRESSION. “--o Conservative newspapers,” ha said, ‘‘are crying out for the Liberal policy, but I ask what is the Massey policy? What does Mr Massey stand for: He has granted the freehold to Crown tenants, and that card has come from his window. He cannot stand on a policy to reduce taxation or expenditure, or to clean out the pigeon-holes, or to curtail borrowing. Those catch cries have expended their force. He has dodged the local governing questions, and is granting bribes as roads and bridges (as he called them) just as bis predecessors did and theirs before them. He was humbugged the question of Legislative Council reform, and there is no sincerity in that cry, He has messed up the finances of the country and in two years killed our magnificent surpluses. He has taken away the only cheek that existed on minority representation, and put nothing in iti place. He has created three autocrat: over the public service and taken from th« people’s representatives the right of con trol and even reduced himself and his col leagues to the level of clerks instead o: being Ministers of the Crown. He hm altered the native land laws so tha' speculators can again rob the Maoris, ant has wiped the Maori members off the Na five Land Boards. “He has nothing left. He must formu late a new policy. What is it? T(i cu the connection with the Imperial Nar and establish a toy navy of one Bristo cruiser be ‘all our own.’ I regret tha the naval question Should become a one, but it is the Government who hav made it so by abandoning the histories naval subsidy of the Seddon and War Governments. I do not know what els the Massey Government stands tor, cj cept it be to cling to office. They hav had their chance, and proved a miserabl failure. They have shot their bolt. The realise they are in extremis, and at scouring the country like lost spirits, seel ing for votes by any and every means f promise and cajolery. I believe tbs when the polls are taken thc_ people wi turn again to the old party that did s much for the country during the twent; one years it held office. I trust the pci pie, and I believe that when the tin: comess you will do your part in agai sweeping the Tories from the Trcasui benches, and ordering that-again the fla of Liberalism shall wave over our belove country.” .(Applause.) ; UNITY THE WATCHWORD. Mr Russell concluded his speech wil an appeal for unity among the forces. “The moral of the position now cxis ing,” he said, “is that Liberals and L bourites must close their ranks and uni as was done so successfully in the day Mr. Seddon. Our aim is the same—f the good of all. I do not expect that a will respond to this invitation, for the are extremists (hapnily only a few) in t , ranks of Labour who advocate revolutio , ary doctrines. They might well bear , mind the sage advice of Mr Holman th there is no short cut to progress. It [ a slow but sure pathway; it comes 1 evolution, and means a gradual buildii

up. But Ido appeal to the reasonableable men and women in the ranks of Labour to beware. Mr Massey has whipped Labour with cords already; he will whip it with scorpions if by divisions and pealousics amongst the progressive forces of Liberalism and Labour he is able to secure a return to power at the elections this year, and on those who—now the second ballot had been repealed—cause the loss of scats to him will rest the responsibility.” (Loud applause.) An amendment to the vote of thanks and confidence was moved by Mr E. Howard, Social Democrat, restricting the motion to one of thanks only. This was defeated easily, and the full motion carried. Messrs. Sidey, EH, Isitt, and Witty spoke congratulating Mr Russell on his fine exposition of Liberal principles and his telling criticism of the Conservative administration.