The West Coast Times. SATURDAY, MARCH 19, 1910. THE CASE FOR IRELAND.

West Coast Times, 19 March 1910, Page 2

The West Coast Times. SATURDAY, MARCH 19, 1910. THE CASE FOR IRELAND.

Mu John Redmond, the Leader of the Irish Party, according to a cablegram published yesterday, predicts a general election in three weeks. This statement in itself means nothing, but the ulterior object that actuated Mr Redmond in making it means much to the Irish people. The swing of the pendulum has placed the fate of the great Liberal Party in the hands of the Nationalists. But Mr Redmond has not used the power which he possesses, and his reason for not doing so is best known to Mr Redmond himself. “You cannnot buy the Irish Party,” said Mr Parnell in a memorable speech in the House of Commons, and probably this may bo the reason that Mr Redmond and his 83 followers refuse to throw a bomb into the Liberal camp. But the desire of Ireland for autonomy is not of passing growth. It is entrenched deeply in the hearts of the Irish people. Ireland, whatever other divisions may rend her, on the question of selfgovernment has always spoken in no uncertain voice. That section of the people who are opposed to autonomy does not represent the ideals or the uajtional life of the country. It would be unwise here to traverse history or to recall incidents, that are better left at rest. “Ireland,” says Lord Rosebery, remembers many things that it would be wiser for her to forget,” No defence is now made by the present British Conservative statesmen for the treatment that has been meted out to the Irish people in the “had old times that happened long ago.” Even the most Conservative, crustiest of Britishers, admits that the attempt to govern Ireland according to English lights has been a grave and fatal blunder. But we "a re not dealing with the past and it is but fair to admit that the Irish people enjoy a system of land laws —for the land law has been at the bottom of the Irish trouble—that can compare very favourably with our own. Hut it is the form of government that the Irish people object to. Ireland is governed by a bureaucracy—the worst form of Government that a civilised people can live under. It is a system that has no head, tail nor body. It is irresponsible. Administration pereolat es through it without any means of objection or redress. It is the gauge In which Ireland’s needs are measured—and some idea may be formed of its knowledge of Irish, affairs by the laughing stock it has made of Itself times out of number. It is safe to say that New | Zealand would not tolerate a similar form of Government for twenty-four hours. But not alone for national or sentimental reasons does Ireland ask for autonomy. From an economic standpoint she is a nation peculiarly needing complete charge of her own affairs. She is cast in a peculiar mould, a fact that is obviously visible to all who have visited her shores or studied her history. Whether this fact is for her weal or woe—the fact remains. This is what one of her brilliant writers (the Rev. Father Sheehan) says quite recently—a writer who is far removed from the noise and influence of political lagitation. “We Irish live in ,an atmosphere of our own, and we have tried over and over again to mould our thoughts and aspirations on the model ol another people. We have miserably failed. We must create-nr civilisation and live ia

it. The great mistake our people have made is to attempt to advance on material lines by a path other than that mapped out and designed for them by their temperament and their ideals. . . . American attractiveness is drawing in front, and English omnipotence pushing from behind.” In 1841 the population of Ireland was given as 8,175,124. All things being equal the country to-day should have a population of many millions. That her population to-day numbers somewhere about four million is practically the key to the nation’s history for the last 69 years. Famine, disease, and immigration have denuded the nation of her people. That Ireland could manage her own affairs from a practical standpoint (as well as from a national standpoint) immeasurably better than they are managed at present should be patent to all. During the years that she had her own Parliament her industrial progress was so marked as to excite more than passing comment. Twice since the Act of Union was passed has the coveted prize of self-gov-ernment been almost in the grasp of the people. It would seem that, despite of Mr Asquith’s reticence the Irish Pary have good reason to believe that Irish autonomy is now within the range of things possible. “Ireland blocks the way,” and the English must he I very tired of the Irish question, which, year in and year out eternally presents itself. If the basis of the claim was not based on justice—or liberty—for justice is the highest form of liberty, then it would not be to the Imperial interests to grant it. But if it is based on justice, the necessary sequence is that it would benfit not only Ireland, but the whole of the Empire. That Ireland should be, land is, a source of strength to the Empire goes without saying. “We send this message to the English people,” said Mr John Redmond in his famous Wicklow speech. “We tell them that we hate their rule more bitterly to-day than ever we did!’ Strong language this. But it was the voice of a nation speaking through their leader. English Government of Ireland has apparently proved a lamentable failure.