EMPIRE AFFAIRS

Wanganui Chronicle, Volume LXXXI, Issue 18818, 6 July 1923, Page 5

EMPIRE AFFAIRS

MATTERS FOR IMPERIAL CONFERENCE

STATEMENT BY PRIME MINISTER

(Per Press Association;. WELLINGTON, July 5. When the House resumed at 7.30, Mr. Massey opened the discussion on the approaching Imperial 'Conference. He said he would like to correct the impression that the proceedings were extremely formal and pompous. Such was not. the case. They met in a small room and the procedings were of the simplest character. The States of Empire would be represented, and on this occasion he understood Southern Ireland and Malta would be represented. The speeches were more or less of a conversational nature. There were no flights ’’of oratory attempted. The conferences were primarily for the benefit of the Empire, and any decision came to must be validated by the countries represented. In the intervals between the conference the Prime Ministers of tin-self-governing States were kept fully informed as to what w-as happening in connection with foreign politics, but these communications were, generally of a confidential nature. One of the first subjects to be discussed at the conference would probably be Imperial Customs tariffs. The British Empire could produce everything we required, and he advocated a policy of self-reliance. Dependence on other countries would bring us back to the position in which we found ourselves when the war broke out. He therefore advocated a measure of Imperial preference. He did not altogether like the'term "conference.” He preferred the term “Imperial Council,” which could devote its attention to the consolidation of Imperial interests, and he wished it understood that if he went to the conference he would go there fully determined to maintain the integrity of the Empire. Inter-Empire communications was another subject which was bound to come up. He wanted to see a faster steamer service, but in view of the financial position be was not prepared to make costly recommendations on that subject. Wireless was also coming, swiftly coming into competition with cables and thev would probably have important decisions' in, this connection. The development of airships was also an important factor in inter-Empire communication, but airships were not yet sufficiently developed to warrant large expenditure upon definite lines of communication. With a quicker steamer service the difficulties in connection with the Imperial Conference would be greatly reduced. He also looked to the time when the conferences would be held in different parts of the Empire. British statesmen know very little of Dominion affairs, and that ought to be remedied. Empire migration would also be discussed. He would see New Zealand, kept a •white man’s” country, but the reasonable terms now existing with regard to Indians coming to New Zealand could be maintained without violating that principle. With regard to trade with Russia, his position was that if any country wanted to trade with Russia let them. He did not suppose New Zealand would want to do so, but we should not stand in the way of other countries doing so. He saw no need for a standing army in New Zealand, for he believed we could always get men when we wanted them. The British Navy was another matter that must be maintained if we did not want to see the Empire go to pieces. If the Empire went to pieces the disaster following would be unthinkable. The British Navy was the world’s greatest guarantee of peace, and we must maintain it in such a state as it will be equal to any other navy. That was not too much to ask. The Washington Conference had left plenty of room for trouble if nations chose to take advantage of the openings. The British Navy must therefore not be allowed to fall below the standard of safety. Considering what America was doing at Hawaii, it was incumbent upon us to set up a naval base at Singapore, and no protection couid be of greater value to Australia and New Zealand than a base at Singapore. Intricate constitutional questions dealing with the making and signing of treaties would also have to be considered. Where the selfgoverning Countries were concerned in making of treaties, he believed they would have to be given the privilege of signing the treaties along with the representatives of the British Government and the representative of the other country concerned. As partners in the Empire we had not yet obtained the full privileges of partners. As a Dominion we had not yet been given the right of direct communication with the Sovereign, and this, he thought, we ought to have, with necessary safeguards. Further, if the Empire became involved in war and any part of the Empire refused to participate in that war he supposed nothing could be said, but he,did not support that position. If the Empire went to war all parts of the Empire should support her, otherwise the Empire would soon become dismembered. On the subject of reparations, his sympathies were with France. Possibly the Allies had asked Germany to pay too much; but Germany started the war and’ Germany must pay. She could not possibly pay all the damage she had caused, but she must pay what she can. In the payment of war debt Britain was standing up to her war obligations with America, and that was the point on which every citizen of the Empire had reason to be proud. He would give the House all the information in his power, but if he went to the conference he was not going with his hands tied, for he would not be put in a position humiliating to himself and to the

country he represented. Concluding, he advocated the formation of an Imperial Council, the duty of which would be to devote the whole of Its attention to Empire affairs, with a view to consolidating Empire interests. He added that the resolutions passed at the Imperial Conferences are only obligatory upon any Dominion of the Empire it and when they are approved by the Parliament of that Dominion.

MR WILFORD SECONDS THE MOTION. Mr Wilford seconded the motion, though he might not agree with all the sentiments and opinions expressed by the Premier. The first tiling to be noted was that the conference was not eno of the Governments, but of the Prime Ministers, of the different parts of the Empire. It was not only a talk round the table, but was designed to furnish the British Government with the dominions’ ideas on questions of foreign policy which arise from time to time. The Premier had a right to criticise any question of fo'e'gn policy, and, on the subject of treaties, he ought to insist that any secret treaty was a, breach of trust. In the new consir, ution granted to Ireland, it was explicitly stated that Ireland had a right ta stand out of Empire wars, and the other dominions had taken up the position that' they were not bound by any resolutions passed at the conference until approved hy the respective Parliaments, so that in passing the motion moved by the Premier they were only falling into line with constitutional practice. We therefore had a right to have a say in foreign policy, because all foreign policy touched Britain, and.! i:i doing that, touched us. We might stand out of wars if we liked, but he agreed with the Premier that we should not stand out. The Empire was a family held together not by a signed and sealed contract, but by the ties of race, and he agreed with Lord Birkenhead when he said the only way to get out of the Empire was to fight a way out’. So far as the Washington Treaty was concerned, w© were “up in the air,” because it had not been fully ratified. The terms offered by the Allies to Russia regarding the payments of debts wen reasonable, and should lie insisted on. He did not suppose we would play much part in the matter of German reparations. France had gone into the Ruhr and could not get out. He hoped the whole problem would be referred to the League of Nations, which he looked upon as a sort of John the Baptist going out into The wilderness of world affairs to prepare the way. Australia stood more in need of defence than New Zealand did, but we all recognised the need of the British Navy, which must he maintained for the safety not only of the outposts of the Empire, but of all important fade routes. What the Empire needed more than anything else to-day was unity ot policy. The Premier should not fight for us alone, but for us with all the other dominions in securing unity of policy for the Empire We would have To be very careful regarding wireless, but he did not agree with the Premier that there was no chance of wireless ever entirely superseding cables. A wireless chain for the Empire was what was lequired, and what the Premier should work for. We should support a naval base at Singapore. Imperial preference, economic trade preference within the Empire and Russian trade should lie left to the Premier to decide on the spot. The Versailles Treaty might be modified to firing it more into touch economically with modern thought, but not so far as national adjustments were concerned. MR HOLLAND

M r Holland contended that the motion moved by the Premier was a win fov the Labour Party. Five years ago there would Lave been no chance oJ getting such a motion through tlw House, and, together with the Premier, the Leader of the ()pj>osition was trending in the right direction for once So far as the motion went, he had no particular objection, but the Premier Plight have added a clause to the effect that the House agrees to his going to the conference. He then proceeded to outline the causes behind the unrest in the Near East, which he attributed largely to oil interest*:. So far as reparations were concerned, he said it was only possible to get reparations out of the exportable surplus of German goods, and that could not lx? done until German credit was icstcred. One of the tilings the Premier should do at the conference was to press for a revision of the Versailles Treaty. Trade with Russia should be resumed. Indeed the task of til© British Empire was to restore peaceful economic relationship with all other peoples of the world.

Adjournment of the debate was moved by Mr Smith (Taranaki). hj The House lose at 11.15 till 2..30 next afternoon.