AN AMERICAN BUSINESS MAN WRITES OF RUSSIA.

Wanganui Chronicle, Volume LXVI, Issue 17478, 24 January 1919, Page 6

AN AMERICAN BUSINESS MAN WRITES OF RUSSIA.

THE BOLSHEVIKS

WHO THEY ARE AND WHAT THEY

BELIEVE

SOME INTIMATE SIDELIGHTS OX THE MSN AND THE MOVEMENT.

Who are the Bolsheviks,, and what* is their 'theory' of government? The^e are questions which every second newspaper reader is asking. A prominent. New York business man (whose name js withheld for obvious reasons) has ju*t | contributed the following article lo The |' World's Work after a lengthy visit 10 Russia, and in it- he gives us a closer view of Bolsheviks and Bolshevism than we have hitherto had. There are three questions that con-b-titute the puzzle of the day. They are: Who ai'e the Bolsheviki leaders? What do they believe—just what is their theory of government? Is »t» Socialism or Anarchism or what? Just- exactly how do they administer the government ?..'-. I have just returned from Russia. ; I was there when the Bolsheviki came into power. """I attempted to do business in Petrograd, Moscow and Kiev for a year. First and last I have met- and had dealings with most of their leaders hundreds of .their underlings, and talked to every ': workman and soldier" I could. _ . Keeping scrupulously to facts within my owu observation and experience. T v. rill a.btempt to answer these questions plainly and directly. ■. " Leon. Trotsky is a Russian Jew. Grusenberg, who ought- to know, says he represents a type that is thie result of Czar ism— a. man perpetually exiled, to whom every nation" is a railroad station- —a nomad, with no home and no

country. . ,j Iknow the man.. Unlike ihe majority of hnlf-crazy exiles -that swarmed back to Russia last year, he is an able man. He is clever and eharp. Tn spite of th 0 fact t'nat he walks the streets of Petrpgrad made up to hnper-sona>t-p the exaggerated popular idea of an anarchist- —with long hair and bushy face, string tie and slouch hat—he does not belong to the impoverished and distracted class that he- represents. He comes of a "wealthy family. His uncle, Jivotbffsky, is a than of means and power) He was an important purchasing agent for the Allies in Russia under ihe Empire. And far from suffering the fate ordained for the,"bourgeois," when I last saw him was on .in important mission for the Bolsheviki .n Stockholm, selling Russian mines, materials and boats to the German Gqvfrnmenjt. v I have been reliably informed by bankers in Sweden that Mrs. Trotsky has since joined him with cash running well into the millions.. That Trotsky comes of a strong mercantile strain, is very significant. It j explains in a word why he is at "the thead of this movement. He has the i training and business sense and acumen that is so conspicuously absent in the ranks of his organisation. . This total lack of any practical ability —•without which even r, pirate ere.-? could not hold together overnight —explains why it is that the control of the Bolsheviki and all their high offices are in the hands of the Jews, the prevailing elemerix of whom are from Ne v York. These men alone, of all the fanatics, dreamers desperadoes, anJ theorists born of Russian oppression and International propaganda, have heen sufficiently in touch with the commercial world and the discipline .of practical affairs to be'able to conduct the operation. • . f have a great deal of respect for Nikolai Lenine. He impresses one as an honest and sincere dreamer. Any businessman would knov at a glanco that he was constitutionally and preposterously unfit x-r mdertake any affair among men. He is a theory.. 7f it doesn't work, he is hopeless.

Two statements of his, made in Petrograd,while I wa-« there, revealed him to me. They were bath solemn statements, uttered with profound conviciion. ■"'•'.'

. One was :, " All the education any statesman needs is the three R's (reading, writing, and arithmetic)." .

The other: "We make a Russian Revolution on German money. Then we will make a German Revolution on Russian money. \

Insofar as the Bolsheviki; as represented by Lenine, are. sin-pare, it is nonsense to reproach them having sold out to Germany. They- recognise neither Germany, nor France- nor any line on the map. To reproach them with putting ignorant men in control is a compliment—a part of the creed. . Yolodarsky. "Tavorisch" (comradeV, Minister of Publicity—in Bolshevikiland there are no ranks, everyone ■j* "comrade" —is a Philadelphia Jew. Hrs first assistant also cam© from Pennsylvania, and had such training as he possesses on a Philadelphia newspaper. Vritzky is Minister of the Interior. He is another returned exile, a professional agitator. Although a Jew himself, he takes the greatest possible pleasure in persecuting the Jews. He denied them the right to celebrate the Passover last year —a thing the Czar nev^r did.

Hfc role is th«it of the man baiter. One day he issued aii order for every Romanoff in the kingdom to appear *n Smolny. Of course they did. So dij evervose else, to enjoy the show. He lined these gentlemen and ladies m> and thundered out that they would have just eight hours to take to 'iheir allotted destinations. He nrovided th* destinations. No possible argument could convince anyone present at the scene that this man is anything at ill but a beast.

Hhinesione. who is in chargp of the propaganda, in foreign cauniiries, was a druggist in the United States. His s:on-jin-law still runs a pharmacy jn Buffalo.

Kameneff, one time Minister of Tnterior, who was accredited Bolsheviki Ambassador to Paris while in gaol in Finland, is Trotsky's brother-in-la.v. * He is a lieavy.lniilt. tall, bearded, pleasnn-h and intellectual Russian Jew from Poland.

I had quite a talk with him. He is a fanatic upon International propaganda. Th<* Interior, or nothing else on earth had any interest for him whatever. Re had to agitate or die. Hi told me 'hat the Red -Revolution wouH spread all over the world, particularly in. America. He was on his way to

Sweden with a lo,t of money to carry the faith. As a matter of fact, he did raise a big common-ion. He scattered diatribes and spoke to such purpose that, they had to put a big guard around the Royal Palace. His conception of Bolshevikism. was. as plain as a btoomhandie. It consisted simply in creating universal revolution. As soon as one had been pulled over, his idea was to leave rthe good work and go pull off another. The conduct, of the countries in the meantime interested him but little. Furstenburg-Gonetzky is a power Bolsheviki councils. During the Kerensky regime he discovered a new a id lucrative business. It was in selling false passports, credentials, permits, etc. He thrived upon this to the extent of 7,000,000 rubles. He constituted himself official bribe receiver for Russia. When caught at it Kerensky put hi^i in jail and confiscated such of his stolen treasure as could be found. From his secret hoard, however, he supplied the Bolsheyiki with 50,000 rubles for their campaign. The figure is exaob and authentic. The consequence was th«u. when they came into power h& was not only released, but his booty was returned to him. A VISIT TO SMOLNY. While I was in Russia the Bolsheviki conducted all their administration froiti the old Smolny Academy. This was i fine old building, set back among gardens and flowering shrubs and manicured grounds opon the outskirts «=f Peurograd. It had been a private school for the chidren of royalty. It had been seized upon by the Bolsheviki at the fall of the Czar, and now within its' learned walls containe-i eyery single atom of the working regime. If an Empire wished to make a treaty or a beggar wished to get a bread ticket, they both had to go to this identical building. If a man wanted protection, or a -woman wanted to put out her house afire, <they had to do th c same. I came because I wanted a passport from Zalkind; Assist tant Minister of Foreign Affairs. Machine guns, cannon, and tatterdemalion soldiery littered the approach Inside I was allowed to pass by a genial little peasant of seventeen, engrosssd in a flirtation ,with some top boots. The sight I then saw was astonishing. Through corridors I passed looking into open doors —-the executive offices of a kingdom of 180,000,000 souls—-at least- so it- was claimed. I may as we.l be plain. ft was disgusting, it was jo filthy. . -.■..:, :

The men were sitting at desks, pr&suma<l>ly conducting mighty 'natters of state. But in every room there were* beds —non© of them made up—piles «>f amtfiiuiitkm. the refuse of abandono'l meals, and endless groups of soldiers sitting and eating and drinking, or lounging about or sound asleep. Ie looked like what it was—a barracks minus a kitchen police or a sanitary squad. I made my way to Room 77, the Foreign Office. There was a great palaver going on. What was v being said was not half so interesting a*s how it was being said. These officials conversed almost exclusively in English and German. They were not Russians They were Jews. They did not tate Russian—they talked Bowery.

While waiting my turn with the secretary, in paraded "an unmistakable character^—an American negro, Abandoning all business and decorum the functionary sprang from his seat and yelled :"".'"-.

"Hello, Johnny, what can I do for you?"' .. ■■;: .... .. \, . , ... .■ .. . The darky returned the greeting, a n«i was nothing if not .democratic. I ve-i----.-tared to hail him as a fellovv New Yorker, hoping thus to expedite my business. He was delighted, and, assuming command, agreed "to shove things through for me. . "What- Ministry do you belong to," said I. ,

He grinned. "To all the Ministries I am a member of the Military Reyoijtionary Committee."

No wonder' the secretary hopjwd about This committee was the executive and autocratic head of the Smolnv Government, and was superior to f>Jl Ministers and all Cabinets. It.was the inviolate and ultimate authority. A NEGRO CABINET MINISTER. "Johnny" was glad to tell me.all aboiro his rise in the world. In New York he had joined 'the I.W.W. and had been, one of their end men and agitators. ' He was an associate of Max Eastman. "Johnny" would have made an excellent South Carolina Senattor under the carpet-bagger regime. He confided to me tiiait. he was for Anarchy without any frills. Since that time the Bolsheviki have became too conservative to suit him, and he is now the recognised head of the Anarchists rf Russia. To return to the personnel of, the Bolshevik regime : Martoff, who at present is accredited Minister to Siam, and at that, time was deep in. the councils of tire Revolution became quite an acquaintance of mine. He had also com© from the East Sid? of New York—a voluble little opportunist. When I first in&t up with him in Russia he was working on the Daily News. I saw him at the hubbub it: the Cirque Moderne, when the erow<i gathered there to protest against the Mooney trial in San Fi'anciseo.

He told me that *n i>h© United States he was a believer in «he Industrial Workers of the World, and he was working with the Bolsheviki because they hold the same ideas. "Well, what ideas specifically?" "Weve had enough of capitalists, and United States Ambassadors and mjusrtice. The workmen will now seize all. the factories, and we will run them ourselves.

That was the gist of his proposition I pointed out that this was svndicalis n pure and simple, bufc that did not disturb him at all.

In this whole building of Smolnv there was not one single man of standing or recognised capacity. Russia., lik« every other country, has its honorable and able bankers, lawyers, jurists, philanthropists, socialists, students. anl business men. There is not a singly man of character that I met during my stay that had anything in common with the Bolsheviki. This includes most emphatically the Jews. For this regime "this outcast organisation enlisted not a single one of the great numbers if educated and talented Jews in the Empire. , I emphasise thi-B. because- the question: Who are the Bolsheviki? can only be answered by saying: Who are not Bolsheviki?, An exact narallel wouid be obtained in the United State* if M;iv Eastman wei*e made President. Not. one single member of the present administration, and not one single repu-

table and able leader of either business or reform would be found in their administration. Pershing would not command our army. It would be commanded by an anarchist corporal. Krylenko, a corporal (proposchick) was a'u the time Commander-in-Chief of the Red Guards. - THE ABLE BOLSHEVIST PROPAGANDISTS. i ' But there are very capable men beac- ! ing Bolsheviki commissions. They are to bo found in the field conducting their principal businesses —selling their tangible assets to Germany and conducting foreign propaganda. These two transactions entice all the talent, because they constitute all that, makes the affair a going concern. From one they get all their money. One the other they spend it all. Some people think I made a startling statement when I said that the Bolsheviki leaders sold everything they could to the Germans. But they mad© na secret of it at all themselves.... It was a* open as daylight in Stockholm. Being a lucrative business, the agents there were-of a great deal higher ability thau could be found in Smolny. When I was in Stockholm the group consisted of: Mitki Rubenstein, who was at the head of the Franco Bank of Pe>trogrod. Pollack and Gourevitch, the identical agents who originally arranged the conference between Mas Warburg, the Kaiser's financial henchmen and Protqpopoff, Vice-President of the Duma, when these two a-ttempted to cook up a surrender in November, 1916. They were there with Levenson and Olaf Aschberg, selling stock and mines and supplies of every description to the Germans. They were also receiving cash from them. f The whole business went, through Aschberg's bank, the1 Nya Barken, as the whole world now knows. I saw th© original German orde-rs including a telegram from a concern in.Hamiburg, a step in the negotiation for the taking over of one of Russia's largest steamship companies. I tell this as a sidelight I obtainel upon Trotisky's personal associations. All of this, of -course, is well known. Dr; Rakowsky was another Bolshevit propagandist who was commissioned vo go to Rumania and start a nroletariav revolution. The Smolny <rovernmen • appropriated 5,000.000; rubles for this purpose. . Rochel had previously been seat to the same purpose but had beea killed there. Zalkind, with a capital limited by nothing but the supply of t>aper— (I was told by the director of the mint* •that 8,000,000 mbles of paper money Were printed the first two months of the ©alsjie-viki rule)— 'weifct forth * o Sweden, and was headed for France and England on the same errand.

The United States is not immune. I cam© over on the steamer with Tunarasev, of the Bolsheviki staff. This man is a Russian, and nobody's fool. He used to be a minister tinder the Czar and a minion of the Germans. Ha framed the tariff giving; ,th e preferetitials to (Germany. Well, he is now working this revolutionary propagan-i.i for the Bolsheviki.' He is a leading Bolshevik.

As I said, he was on the way to. the United States when I met him la-st-April. He and Jonas Lied, backed ov Trotsky and Lenine. got tip what they called the Siberian Steamship Company This was camouflage to gain an entree here for their propaganda. To ensure his reception Tunarasey cameras, Norwegian Consul. On board I asked him up and down if he had a personal :n----terest in the Bolsheviki. He. said he had. . Well, these that I Hf^e named are the leaders of 'the Bolsheviki. j THE BOLSHEVIST DOCTRINES. The people that tangle up the Bol-?-heviki doctrine of government _ and economics with the general lib era i movement and tendency, manifest almost anywhere in the world nowadays, do so because they lack three of four definitions and distinctions that are elementary to any student of Socialism or social reform, or any responsible number of the Labor Party. There are three conceptions that have no more .in common with each other than they have with the old shellback High Tariff Capitalism (so-called). They are: Evolutionary Socialism Revolutionary Socialism and Syndicalism. .Whfen one says Socialism to-day, what is meant to" all rational and 1 practical thinkers, and also what is considered in the main violently radical by the electorate of this country is sta- c ownership of industries—the gradual appropriation by the whole peon'o through their Government of the surplus wealthy created by labor in the concrete form of factories, railroad*, etc.

The very essence of the doctrine i.s that ti- ?lmll be done gradually and by an orderly method. Moreover, as advocated by serio vs students of real affair*, it. presupposes that the industries shall have- been organised to the point where they can profitably be taken over, and in one partioularly"tt:hat the people shall have been educated and trained to the point where they are soberly able to resume the responsibility. It has one more condition of vast importance—that when the time conies for the public to operate the industries, positions in those industries shall be allotted to men strictly in order of merit and ability.

The Revolutionary Socialists advocate the same governmental and economic order, but they want to bring it. about overnight by an actual physical revolution of the old gunpowder kind. The Syndicalist is anothei- kind of fellow altogether. He wants all the industries to bn seized out of hand, riot by the Government, but by the individual workmen that happen to be working there Seizure by individual*, by violence, if ne*d bp and the elimination of all men of special training or ability (a. necessary corollary of the complete ownership and control by the lowest grade "I workman) is the pith of it. In the light of these definitions, what do the Bolsheviki believe? Their statement arp .so many and so langled and —ranging anywheret from Socialism to frank anarchy—that the answer has to be sought in their practices.' BOLSHEVISM IS PRACTICAL SYNDICALISM. They took over the banks, munition works, the railroads and some municipal plants for the Government. At any rate, the commissaries put charge were supposed to represent tho Government. This was done a»t the point of the bayonet. In these actions they might fairly be «aid to be making an effort to exnerience in Revolutionnrv Socialism But even fhe most radical Revolutionary Socialist would heatedly deny thatthey had given his proposition a fair chance. For they neglected the one final req^ireTnent —tha.t^ "the positions bp scrupulously given without a sing!'"l evo^prion *-o iihe most itrnoran.t arid unskilled—office noys peasants, soldiers. \ large railvoad system is now header! by a conductor. But in innumerable other in'tancs +he stores, factories and farms wero handed dirctlv over to the laboura f \f tho, neishbouring peasants by di-

rect order from Smolny. This also, of course, was accomplished by violence or threat of violence. That is Syndicalism. It is exactly the doctrines of the 1.W.W.. That, is, it is what they have anl are now inclined to deny.

It is I.W.W. or worse

They have abolished all police, all courts, all firemen, all street c,leanin.4. This is a part of the doctrine of anarchy. It may be a necessary byproduct of Syndicalism. It has ao place in the programme of any' Social! !■■ or labor party. All business, public and private, ;,s well as regular governmental activities, are conducted by individuals with no previous experience. * And it is a fact so well known —the universal experience—that it needs no elaboration, that every transaction, legitimate or otherwise, can only t>o consummated by personally bribing the officialin charge. This is not the part of any philosophy at all. It is reducing the discussion 10 an absurbity, and heaping ridicule upon the monumental life labors of Karl Maiv: .to mention them in the same category There is no name to give, their practices. Hence, when diseusGing them, no sincere advocate of the liberal movement, no leader of labor, no champion of Socialism would tolerate his cree'J being used in that connection. So let us trail an entirely new kind of society, and government and economy, easily grasped by any body, however ignorant, that walks on two legs. And we simply call it Bolshevism. And though Bolshevism is bad enough of itself, it is a crowning absurdity to attempt to apply it in a ooun. .try like Russia, in which the industri il population is only eight ncr cent. From what I have said above, the reader may perhaps gather 'the idea that the Bolshevist movement represents 'the opinion of the Jewish race in Russia. Nothing would be' farthe'from the truth. Ninety-five per ce^t of the Jews'are bitterly opposed to tlr-; Belsheviki and all their works.

It so happens .that the Jews are, on the average, the most conscious group in Russia. Naturally a large percentage of the leaders of any political movement —in a Russia free to express itself—would Le, Jews.

But the Jews of Bolshevism are a small group, and; wholly misrepresen-ta-tive" of the great body of their racial brothel's. ,