For Freedom.

Wanganui Chronicle, Volume LXVI, Issue 17212, 13 February 1918, Page 5

For Freedom.

AMERICA'S GREAT PUR* POSE.

A WAR OF EMANCIPATION,

NO PAUSE TILL OPPRESSION IS FOREVER CRUSHED.

PRESIDENT WILSON'S HISTORIC

UTTERANCE.

Received February 12, 9.< fOp m. WASHINGTON, February 11. 'Addressing Congress tovitay, Pre sident Wilson said that following hi: and Mr Lloyd George's addresses or the subject of the wa~. Count Vox Hertling and Count Czornin had replied on the 2 4th. He said:--lt v gratifying to have our desire sc promptly relieved that all exchanges ot views oil this great matter should bo made in the hearing of all the world. Count Czeriifs reply was utter od in a very friendly tone", and, having found in ray statement sufficiently encouraging approach to the views oi his own Government to justify him ir believing it furnishes a basis for more detailed discussion of the purposes by the- two Governments to justify him iv presented to have intimated" that i knew beforehand his views, but as a matter of fact 1 had received no intimation. There was no reason why he should communicate with me privately, and 1 ani quite content to be one oi! his public audience. Count Yon Hertlin«sß speech was vague, contusing and full of equivocal phrases, but it is in a very different tone from (.'Zemin's and apparently of opposite purpose. It seems to confirm the unlortunate impression made by wfich we learned of tJie Brestlitovsk Conference. His discussion and acceptance of our general principles lead him to no practical conclusions. He refuses to apply to them substantive items. He is jealous of international action and international counsel. He accepts the principle of public diplomacy, but insists that it shall be confined in this instance to generalities, and wants the particular questions of territory sovereignty discussed find settled severally by the nations most immediately concerned by interest or neighbourhood. He agrees that the shall be free, but looks askance at any limitation of that freedom by international action in the interst of common order. He would be glad to see economic . barrier* moved between nation and nation as that would in no way impede the ambition of the military party with whom he seems constrained to keep terms. He does not raise objection to the limitation of armaments, but thinks the matter should be settled of itself ?>y the economic conditions which must follow the war He demands return, without debate, of German colonies. He will discuss only with the Russians what disposition shall be Biade of the Baltic provinces and peoples; only with the French the Conditions under whicn French territory shall be evacuated; and only with Austria what shall b'3 clone with Poland. Regarding the Balkaas, he defers to Austria and Turkey, and concerning the nonTurkish peoples,of tte present Ottoman Empire to the Turkish authorities themselves. Once all these questions are settled by individual concession and barter, he would have no objection to a League of Nations which would undertake to hold the new balance of power steadily against the external disturbance. However, no peace arrived at in such a fashion can be acceptable to the world. That would be tbe method of the Congress of Vienna, and we do not intend to return to that period. The peace of the world is at stake. We are striving for a new international order based on the broad universal principles of right and justice—no mere peace of shreds and patches. Is It possible that Count yon Hertling does not see. does not grasp it? Is he in. fact living in thought in a worlti dead and gone? Has he forgoten the Reichstag resolutions of July lOtl;, or does he deliberately Ignore them? They spoke of general peace, not national aggrandisement or arangemeuts between State and State. Permanent peace must be attained, and this is not possible unless the problems are dealt with in a spirit of unselfish, unbiassed justice, with a view to the wishes, natural connections, and racial aspirations, security and peace of mind of the- peoples involved. They cannot be discussed separately in corners, but they affect all mankind and must be so regarded. Nothing ssttled by military force, if settled wrong, is settled at all. WHY U.S. ENTERED THE WAR. The United States did not desire to interfere in European affairs or act as arbitor in European territorial disputes. She entered this war because she was made a partner in the sufferings and indignities inflicted by the military masters of. Germany against the peacs and security of mankind. All public men are now speaking in the court of mankind, and the Reichstag resolutions oi' July accepted the decisions of that Court.

There shall be no annexations, no contributions, no punitive damages. Peoples are not to be handed from one sovereignty to another b.v an understanding between rival.". National aspirations must be respected, and in future statesmen must not ignore the right of self-determination.

The conditions of peace will touch tbe United States as nearly as they touch any other nation which is entrusted with a leading port in the maintenance of civilisation. She cannot '.sec tx way to pKsice unt/1 th* causes of tin's war are removed and its

renewal made as nearly as may be impossible. The war had its roots in ] the disregard of the rights of small I nations and nationalities, which lacked | iiiijon ana forcb to make goud their j right and determination. it is now necessary for a covenant to be entenM into for the future to eu.sure these rights tin- small nations and if, as Count yon Hertling proposes, territorial settlements and the polticai relations _of great populations are to oo j determined by the conn acts ot powerjml Governments, why not economic i questions also? Justice and the rights : of peoples afleet the whole Held or in- | ternational dealing as much as access | to raw muterailb and equal oondij lions of trade. Count yon Hertling wants tile essential bases of commercial and .industrial life to be sat'eguardj cxi by common iigr-1 ~m,t. and guarantee, but he cannot expect that to be conceded him if the other articles of : peace are not handled in the same way. He cannot ask the benefit of a. common agreement in the ono held without according it -in the other. Count yon Ozernni seems to see the ! fundamental elements of peace with clear eyos, and he does not seem to obscure, them. He sees that an independent Poland is a mater of European concern; that Belgium must be evacuated and restored ; that national aspirations must be satisfied, even w rith his own .Empire, in the common interest of Europe and mankind. He is naturally silent about questions touching the interest and purpose of hia allies, because he feels constrained, 1 suppose, to defer to Turkey and Germany iv the circumstances, but he feels that Austria can respond to the purpose of peace as expressed by the United States with less em harassment than could Germany. He would probably have gone further, but for the embarassments of Austria's alliances and the dependence on Germany. Alter all, the test of whether it is possible for either Governments to go, further in the comparison of views, s simple and obvious, the principles be-

■ing these : — (1) Each pnrt of the final setlementmust be based on the esenstial justice of that particular case, and upon such adju tments as are most likely to bring permanent peace. (2 j That peoples, and provinces must not be bartered about as if mere chattels and pawns in a game, even the great game, now forever discredited, of the balance of power, but

(3) That every territorial settlement involved in this war must be, made in the interest and for t£e benefit of the populations concerned and not as an adjustment or compromise by rival States.

(4) That all well-defined national aspirations shall be accorded the utmost satisfaction that can be accorded them without introducing or perpetuating discord and antagonism that shall be likely in time to break the peace of Europe and the world in general.

Peace on suet foundations can be discussed. Until then we have no choice but to go on. The principles are now universally recognised, .except by the military and annexatiofijist party in Germany. We entered this war upon no small occasion. We can never turn back from the course chosen upon principles. Our resources are partly mobilised; we shall not pause until they are mobilised in their entirety. Our armies are rapidly going to the fighting front, and will go more and more rapidly. Our whole strength will be put into this wa.r of emancipation. Having set our ha^nd to the task of achieving a new order, under which reason, justice and the common interesst of mankind shall prevail, we shall not turn back. 1 have thus spoken that the whole world may know the spirit of America: that our passion for justice and self-government is no mere passion of words, but a passion which, once set in action, must be satisfied The power of the United States will never be used in aggression or for aggrandisement of any selfish interest of our own period; it springs out of freedom, and is for the service of freedom.