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IMPERIAL CONFERENCE

DISCUSSION IN PARLIAMENT.

MR BROADFOOT'S VIEWS. In the debate in the House this week, on the report of the Imperial Conference, Mr W. J. Broadfoot (Government —Waitomo) made what many members considered a very critical and encouraging contribution to the discussion. We quote:— " In looking over the report of the Imperial Conference of 1930 one is struck with the diversity of matters which were considered at the Conference. They range from inter-im-perial and international to the realms of economics. One wonders what time the Prime Minister had to sleep or think and at the same time attend to all those phases of our troubles. I would first like to refer to our position in connection with Canada. The Prime Minister has been taken to task for his handling of the negotiations between New Zealand and Canada on the question of tariff, and I desire to quote some figures showing the trade that has been carried on between Canada and New Zealand from the year 1923 to the middle of the present year. We started in 1923 by buying from Canada £950,000 worth of goods, and sold in return goods' to the value of £665,000. Right down through the years up to the present time that balance of trade has been very heavily against us each and every year until ' we find that the totals work out as follow: We have purchased from Canada during the period over £29,000,000 worth of goods, and we have sold to Canada just under £13,000,000 worth. The chief method of balancing our trade with Canada was by selling her butter, but she chose practically to put an embargo on that commodity, proving that she wants to sell her goods to us but does not want to buy, and any nation that debars trading eventually strikes a sorry time, as America is finding to her sorrow today. I think, Mr Speaker, that the Prime Minister handled the situation very definitely and very firmly. I have heard it stated in this House that we have one market, namely Britain, and that we should hold that market. I contend that if we desire Britain to take our goods, then assuredly, we should go out of our way as much as possible to take her manufactures in exchange. I would much prefer to see New Zealand taking the manufactured goods from Britain in preference to Canada after the manner in which Canada has treated us with her tariffs. I would like to make it quite plain that I am not an unholder of tariffs. I disagree with tariffs on the essentials of life, and think that under some circumstances we have to use the tariff as a shield, and under other circumstances use it as a rapier. I think the tariff question is being properly handled in New Zealand so far as Canada is concerned. The onus is on Canada. If she desires to have a re-arrangement, then I contend she should approach us to open negotiations, and then possibly we could arrive at some solution of the present difficulty. I disagree entirely with the suggestion that' the Prime Minister of this country should make himself cheap and permit Canada to use him as a doormat in conducting those negotiations. I know that he will not do that." Mr Fraser: Did Canada suggest it? Mr Broadfoot: I do not know what Canada suggested, but I know what she has done and I judge her by her actions and not by her statements. Mr Howard: She is part of the Empire, it must be remembered. Mr Broadfoot: I realise that Canada is part of the Empire and I realise also that we have the very fine objective in more trade within the Empire. That objective is still a long way off, but it is worth striving for. When we study the British nation we find that down through history the British people have in the main been international and not Empire traders. That is why their money has been invested in other- countries. And, naturally, where their money is inxested their interest follows. That, I take it, is the great hindrance to a Free Trade policy within the Empire. I hope that some day we may see it. It is still a long way off, but it is a fine ideal to fight for it. Mr Jones: Does the honourable member agree with it? Mr Broadfoot: I agree with the principle of Free Trade within the Empire. It is, as I have said, an ideal, and it may take a long time to accomplish, but it is worth seeking. The next matter to which I will refer relates to the Antarctic. In this connection there is a matter which has had a very serious reflex on the exports of this country. The whaling industry has introduced very serious competition. Through that new process called hydrogenation making it possible for whole oik to be ultilised in various ways as foodstuffs. These foodstuffs, being available in such quantities have tended to conjest the markets and thus depress the prices for our primary products. The matter should be referred to the League of Nations with a view to regulating the industry and thus prevent huge quantities of its products being dumped upon the market at odd times. The nations ought to come to the necessary understanding to prevent the whale being slaughtered indiscriminately. The question of international arbitration is exceedingly important By that means disputes which are likely to end in war are referred to the proper tribunals with a view to the trouble being settled judicially without resort to arms. Already wonderful results have been achieved, and therefore arbitration between the nations ought to be fostered in every possible way. The limitation of armaments gives support to the settlement of international disputes by means of arbitration. . In her usual way, Britain has given a splendid lead on the question of disarmament, but, i before we go further, we should insist upon other nations adopting similar reductions in armaments. To-day our armaments are reduced to the point where we are more or less vulnerable in the event of trouble, and I think that Britain ought to demand that the other nations come into line without delay, otherwise we may have to depart from the present position and see that we are adequately protected taking all fac&s into consider-

ation. An increase in raniaments, of course, would be a retrograde step, but there is a point below which we as an Empire cannot afford to allow our defences to sink. I observe that the setting up of what is known as a Commonwealth tribunal has been recommended—that is another species of arbitration whereby members of the British Commonwealth of Nations can settle their disputes in a judicial way. All methods of attacking this question were given consideration, but in the end it was decided that the process of arbitration which has proved so satisfactory in other fields, should also obtain in this sphere. With regard to merchant shipping, since 1894 we have been prohibited from passing legislation in this country which might conflict with Sections 735 and 736 of the Merchant Shipping Act. Since the Statute of Westminster has been enacted it has been decided that we are at liberty to make our own shipping laws in whatever we deem desirable. Shipping is a very complex industry- Its ramifications are world-wide. It is international in character, and I think very wisely the various Dominion representatives at the Conference, before they brought this matter forward, came to an agreement between themselves whereby the shipping between the various parts of the Empire should be governed by an agreement, and a draft of that agreement is embodied in the report. Shipping involves many international questions, and I recollect that last session, or the session before that, a Bill was introduced in this House to provide for what was really a third party accident insurance in connection with shipping. On a study of the Bill, however, it became immediately apparent that the difficulty did not lie within our own doors. We no doubt could easily have come to an arrangement between the various Dominions, but the Bill went beyond the sphere of the Dominions and entered the field of international commerce. That difficulty apparently has not yet been overcome, and I think the Dominion representatives were wise in entering into such inter-dominion contract. I would like here to revert to the question of the nationality of married women. Here again we find the matter is very complicated, and apparently the Commision which was set up to make inquiries onthe subject, discovered that, too, to their sorrow. There has been some slight advances made. In three cases the position of women marrying foreigners has been materially improved, but there are still many cases where an agreement cannot be reached. The whole question will no doubt be a matter for discussion at the next Conference. In connection with what is known as the Statute of Westminster, I would like to say that that Statute is bringing about a change of fundamental character in the constitution of this country. As other members have said, I do not think there was a general desire in this , country to have this change in our constitution. But I realise that we as a Dominion are one of a family, and that some members of that family are growing up and feeling their manhood. Take, for instance, Canada, South Africa and Australia. They are all feeling the urge of nationhood; and no doubt the desire to stand on their own feet, as it were; and no doubt the bringing of this statute into force will be a desirable action. All that has been holding this Commonwealth of Nations together has been the blood tie and sentiment. No contracts, no treaties, no volume of writing, will take the place of that blood tie and sentiment; and, if the Urge of the majority of the Dominions has been for individual nationhood, it is well that such urge should be given effect to. We find that Canada has to-day her representatives in America. I believe that Ireland also has hers. There have been no ill-effects from those arrangements. We understand that South Africa has already passed the necessary request that the statute be brought into operation. Searching the old Act, known as the Colonial Laws Validating Act of 1865, we find that under it we could pass no legislation that was repugnant to the legislation of the Old Country. Now, with this sugested change we are to be empowered to legislate as we will. We have our own destiny in our own hands.

Mr Hoard: But have we? Mr Broadfoot: I think that we have so far as .legislation is concerned, and it is legislation that I am discussing. The Old Country has wisely agreed to the proposals and it will be left to the Dominions' inherent decency and fairness to carry on as heretofore. As to the economic side of the report: one could speak for many hours on any of the subjects which are referred to. I would like in the first place to touch briefly on the question of the Marketing Board. That was a very fine gesture made by the Imperial Parliament to the Dominions when the Board was set up. It has been of inestimable value in a thousand ways. We in this country have received many benefits from the grants for research and in assistance in marketing, and we are to-day reaping the benefits from that very wise provision. I think that, as a result of the opportunity which the Prime Minister had, in conjunction with the representative of the Department of Scientific and Industrial Research, of going into the troubles that are besetting our primary producers so far as the Home market is concerned, those troubles which are causing such heavy loss will be largely eliminated. Examination was directed towards the problems of cheese manufaqture, and the effect of the information brought back by Dr Marsden and put before the various bodies here will be to conquer the present difficulties and again allow our cheese to rank as a high quality product. I feel sure that as soon as that is accomplished another 1 million pounds per annum will trickle into the pockets of the producers of this country, with marked benefit to everybody. As regards other lines of research", I would mention the wonderful results being obtained by one of our sister Dominions, where help has been extended by the same Board. I refer to the prickly pear trouble of Queensland, where, I understand 60 million acres have been overrun. As the result of research and experiment it is found that the pest can be con-

quered, and to-day Queensland is winning back her prickly pear area at the rate of one million acres annually. Again, the copra trade in the islands was in trouble, but by intensive experiment and research methods have been devised by which the difficulty has been overcome. I wouia like to express again my appreciation of the work done in the Old Country by the Prime Minister. That work will have direct effects upon the economic life of this country, and I feel sure that the Rt. Hon. gentleman s close contact with the troubles affecting our primary products has convinced him of the great value of research. Further, he will have been shown that.: we shall have to give greater assistance to research in this country. I feel sure that since his visit to the Old Country the Research Department will have in him an able and valued friend. That department is really the key to the lock of our prosperity, and although this country ;ts\ struggling through an economic crisis, it is a department upon which we can well afford to spend much more money. There are technical difficulties con-; fronting everyone of our industries,' and the only way of overcoming those difficulties is to provide for investigations by a greater number of research chemists, in order that they may give continued assistance! to every industry; meeting -with difficulties. ; ";,

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Bibliographic details

Waipa Post, Volume 43, Issue 3327, 25 July 1931, Page 5

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2,368

IMPERIAL CONFERENCE Waipa Post, Volume 43, Issue 3327, 25 July 1931, Page 5

IMPERIAL CONFERENCE Waipa Post, Volume 43, Issue 3327, 25 July 1931, Page 5

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