Thank you for correcting the text in this article. Your corrections improve Papers Past searches for everyone. See the latest corrections.

This article contains searchable text which was automatically generated and may contain errors. Join the community and correct any errors you spot to help us improve Papers Past.

Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image

IRISH REPUBLIC.

FATAL TO SECURITY OF THE EMPIRE. VICTIMS OF ANARCHY. (Electric Telegraph.—Copyright). LONDON, August 5. In the Commons, Mr Bonar Law, moving a guillotine motion providing for the passage of the Restoration of Order in Ireland Bill by to-morrow evening, deprecated the feeling of despair about the possibility of remedying existing conditions. These could not be worse than in 1833, after which civilised conditions were restored in Ireland. The motion was adopted, after which Sir Hamar Greenwood moved the second reading of the Bill. After paying a tribute to the courage of the Irish Judges in carrying out their duties, he said it was impossible to have fairer Courts in Ireland than the Courts-martial provided by the bill. Mr Asquith opposed the second reading, and said he considered a Court-martial useless in view of the likely inability to get evidence against accused. The Government was largely responsible for the gravity of tile situation, because it did not introduce the liberal measure of self-govern-ment promised in 1918. When he asked Parliament to apply the Compulsory Service Bill to Ireland, he demanded that the Government give Home Rule oh Dominion lines. Replying to questions if he had ever made such an offer, Mr Asquith said no, hut he was prepared to do so now. He added that he did not retract past statements about allowing the Ulster counties to stand aloof. He believed that Irishmen’s commonsense and recognition of self-interest would lead them to accept a Dominion Home Rule scheme.

Mr Asquith concluded that he believed the Irish Republic was not a practical possibility. Mr Lloyd George said it was useless to make ill-considered and vague suggestions of Dominion Home Rule and challenged Mr Asquith to name anyone in Ireland able to speak authoritatively on behalf of the Irish who would accept it. He pointed out that the Sinn Fein Commoners,, headed by De Valera, had definitely stated they would not accept it, and would not be satisfied with anything less than a republic. He asked if the assassination of policemen, intimidation, murder and outrage was to be permitted to continue without taking measures of protection. Giving Dominion Home Rule would involve an army and a navy. The Premier said every Dominion had an army and if they had no navy it was because they had not established one under the full powers they possessed. He asked if all Irish ports were to be controlled by the Irish Parliament and declared that Irish ports were the most dangerous spots in the Empire. Replying to the criticism of Mr Asquith as regards the militaristic character of the bill, Mr Lloyd George pointed to the existence of the Irish Republican Army, which issued orders and decrees signed by generals and captains and declared itself at war with the British Empire. The Premier said they could therefore not complain if war conditions were being applied. If any authority who was able to show that he possessed the confidence of the Irishmen submitted definite proposals as regards the Government of Ireland which were within the clear limitations recently laid down then the Government could consider such proposals. Great Britain was prepared to make great concessions for peace, goodwill and partnership. It was useless to shut one’s eyes to the fundamental fact that no proposal which the Government was able to present was acceptable to any party with authority to speak for Ireland. Representatives of the Irish demanded something Britain could never concede, except as the result of disaster and defeat. Their demand for secession would be fatal to the security of the Empire. It was futitle to propose an alternative scheme for consideration until the Irish accepted the fundamental and indefeasible fact that Britain would never concede their terms.

Concluding, he said deliberately that he was unable at present to see a fair prospect of a mutually satisfactory solution, but believed a feeling was growing up in Ireland that the Irish were seeking the impossible, and they were beginning to recognise that they were the main victims of the anarchy, confusion and trouble, meantime Parliament’s duty was to protect from massacre the people who were sent to guard life, establish law and maintain "the authority of the Empire. The bill was read the second time by 289 to 71. —(Rmiter).

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/WAIPM19200809.2.4

Bibliographic details

Waipawa Mail, Volume XXXVII, Issue 8367, 9 August 1920, Page 1

Word Count
715

IRISH REPUBLIC. Waipawa Mail, Volume XXXVII, Issue 8367, 9 August 1920, Page 1

IRISH REPUBLIC. Waipawa Mail, Volume XXXVII, Issue 8367, 9 August 1920, Page 1

Help

Log in or create a Papers Past website account

Use your Papers Past website account to correct newspaper text.

By creating and using this account you agree to our terms of use.

Log in with RealMe®

If you’ve used a RealMe login somewhere else, you can use it here too. If you don’t already have a username and password, just click Log in and you can choose to create one.


Log in again to continue your work

Your session has expired.

Log in again with RealMe®


Alert