OUR DUNEDIN LETTER.

Tuapeka Times, Volume XVI, Issue 952, 4 July 1883, Page 5

OUR DUNEDIN LETTER.

(From our own, Correspondent) In continuation of my remarks on the question "Are the Chinese desirable colonists?" I have to repeat that, when they neither contribute to,tho-bn.ilding of cities nor the promotion of commerce, they are not desfraW© colonists. Indeed, when it is considered tthat their whole object is to get money and thsn „ clear out"' of the Colony and spend it in the ".'Flowery Land," it will be admitted that r'thj Chinese; are nothing but "drags*' of *a heavy 'and' undesirable nature. Europeans, it may be said, form a kind of joint-stock company. Indirectly, they are continually working and spending for the benefit of one another. If a colonist

undertakes to perfoim certain work for his own benefit, it is sure to benefit others 'indirectly. Let it be the erection of a -building, -the making of a road, the improvement of land, or the starting of some business or. manufactory, it- will be found that more than the mover is benefited thereby. But thft Chinese keep aloof from this joint-stock' combination. The leading priuciple ever uppermost in their minds is to get money, hoard it up, and keep as much of it from the white man as they possibly can. They will sell to you, but they will not purchase more than necessity compels them. On this account, the Chinese are not desirable colonists. Some time ago there was talk of introducing a number of Celestials into England. The project, on being made known, caused quite a stir, and the people at once rose up and protested against their introduction. The project was in consequence abandoned. Now, if England considers the Chinese undesirable and looks upon them as an evil to be avoided, are we not justified in doing the same? At this point, it may be urged that there is no comparison between England and a young country like this. That it is on account of England being an old country 1 that the Celestials are not wanted there. Then I would ask, why does England not object to the introduction of Germans, Frenchmen, Spaniards, and men of other nationalities? The question is easily answered, and in this wise : Simply because these people are ready to forward the interests of the country, to promote its trade and commerce, and to uphold the payment of a proper and just standard of wages. They enter into projects in a spirit of fair competition and emulation, which characteristic cannot be claimed on behalf of the Chinese. That they can lay no claim to the above, may be easily seen by glancing at their own advancement in China. Their progress when compared with that in new countries like New Zealand will not stand comparison.

They are still in the old world, slowcoach, non •progressive state; and the country would have remained useless to the world had it not been for the hardy and progressive Europeans who forced their way into China. When we consider the state of affairs in China— the progress made in those parts governed by various European powers, and the non-progress and inactivity of the Chinese in their own posessions— what conclusions must we come to? If they have not that spirit necessary to advance the interests of their own country, and of abating the hardships they labour under by adopting modern inventions, what can we expect from them in this Colony ? Nothing whatever, as we have found to our cost. Some time ago, the English authorities in China attempted to connect the provinces and open up the country by railway. The undertaking was opposed on all hands by the Chinese ; and to show what sympathy they have for progress, it may be mentioned here that they actually tore tip portions of the railway laid down by Government. If they thus object to advancement in their own country, is it reasonable to suppose that they will endeavour to improve the condition of a country in which they have no interest beyond that of making money? It has been put forward that as England made an entrance into China, it is only

right to allow the Chinese to go when and where they like within the British Empire. This argument, on the face of it, is extremely fallacious. It implies that because one nation was beaten by another, the defeated one should be entitled to the privilege of going into the enemy's camp, and whether they did injury or not they must not be interfered with. Such an argument will not bear investigation. In the matter of establishing trade and commerce, the Chinese are at liberty to do so ; but

because this is the case, it is no reason

why we should not try to protect our internal interests from being destroyed by a racec of people like the Celestials. If England did force her way into China, that is no Bound reason vrhy we should allow this Colony to be flooded with

Chinese, who, with their old - world notions, bring evil on the community. T shall have a few more remarks to make on this subject in my next communication. On Sunday evening, 24th June, Mr Robert Stout gave an address at the Lyceum Hall, entitled "Recent Attacks on the Education Act." At the outset,

the lecturer stated that there were three parties attacking the educationl system of the Colony — the Roman Catholics, the Anglicans, and the other Protestant denominations. The recent arrangements made for the purpose of imparting religious knowledge, he strongly denounced, and affirmed that the Act had been grossly violated in various parts of the Colony. The action taken by the Ministers' Conference, he regarded as an Insidious attempt to destroy the present system of education ; and if they did not look after their interests, teachers would becompelled to give instruction in religious • matters. Dealing with the system of denominational education, Mr Stout s lid

» that so soon as the State allowed its control of the schools to pass away, so soon would it be found that education would he ineffective. The system had been tried for years in Auckland, and it proved so great a failure that even the Roman Catholics agreed to have it abolished, fa Ireland, the educational system, under the control of the clergy had proved anything but successful or satisfactory. Dr Playfair, speaking in the House of Commons in March last, said :— " He was anxious to bring before the attention of the House the exact condition of the Irish education supported from the Imperial funds. One way of comparison between Ireland and England and Scotland was to , be found in the fourteen days before examination. In that period in England 83 per cent of the children were sent to school ; in Scotland 87 per cent ; but in Ireland only 47 per cent. He was not now attacking the National Bqard of Ireland, but only the system. In 1871, 49 per cent of the people of Ireland could read and write; in 1881 the proportion had risen to 59 per cent. Did the House realise, that 41 per cent of the people of Ireland over the age of five years could

not read and write after half a century of national education ? In Mayo the proportion which could not read or write was 60 per cent. In all Roman Catholic countries it was more difficult to enforce education than ( in other countries. In Ireland there were 5 54 ( per pent of Roman Catholics •above "five years of age who could read and write. Of Protestant Episcopalians and Presbyterians there were 75 per .cent, and of Methodists there were 84£ per ,cerii. He contended that the State which provided the greater) part of the money for education in Ireland, should tike security for the secular results, leaving religious education to the ecclesiastics. Towards the cost of education in Ireland, the State contributed 18 per cent.,- and 1 per cent, was derived from local aid. Yet the local managers, who were chiefly ministers of religion, assumed all the powers of appointing and dismissing the schoolmasters and managing the schools. . . . He asked the House to consider seriously the Irish migration that came into this country. In 1871 one in fourteen of the adult population of English towns was Irish, and- in Scotland, one in every six of the population of the burghs was Irish. The presence of uneducated Irishmen in our great towns must create a serious difficulty for the prosperity both of England and Scotland. Tha question, How are Irishmen to be educated? was therefore of great importance to England aud Scotland. In England they might expect 3000 Irishmen in their prisons in proportion to the population, whereas there were as many as 22,000 Irish prisoners ; and in Scotland where you might expect only 600 Irishmen in prison, there were 9000 ; so that not only for the sake of Ireland, but for the sake of Great Britain, they must educate the Irish children." — It would thus be seen that the very pait that continually advocated the instruction of religion and morals in schools had conspicuously failed to produce satisfactory results. Mr Stout, in conclusion, trusted that the colonists would determine not to have their system of education tampered with, but that they would uphold all its secular advantages. It was a system that would eventually bind together colonists of different creeds and nationalities, and tend to avoid those heart-burnings, strife, and civil wars of the countries where education had been placed under the power of the Church.

There is a matter connected with fishing that is deserving of a little attention from our legislators now assembled in Wellington. It has reference to fishing on Sunday. From what your correspondent has been informed, it appears that a good deal of angling is carried on in and out of season on the Sabbath-day, and that the practice is increasing steadily among a class of people who should set a better example. In the Old Country, the practice of Sunday-fishing is not allowed, and there seems no good reason why it should be tolerated in this Colony. Among the many arguments brought forward in England why Sabbath-fishing should be discountenanced was that the practice i was becoming a great nuisance. If the evil is allowed to run riot here, it will also, in the course of time, prove a great nuisance to the colonists, and therefore, now that the evil merely exists in its incipient stages, action should be taken to check it before it assumes large proportions. The Tweed Fisheries Amendment Act, 1859, enacts that "it shall not be lawful for any person, between the 15th day of February and the 14th day of September in any year, .to fish for or take, or aid or assist in fishing for or taking, any salmon in or from the river at any time or in any way whatsoever, except by means of the rod and the line, or by means of stake nets and bag nets, as herein provided, between six of the clock on Saturday afternoon and sice of the clock on the following Monday morning ; and it shall not bo lawful to fish for or take, or aid or assist in fishing for or taking, any salmon in or by means of any stake net or bag net set or placed as provided} for by the twelfth section of this Act at any time between the low water next in point of time before six of the clock on Saturday afternoon and the low water next in point of time before six of tlie clock on the following Monday morning ; and which respective periods above defined shall be and are held to be the ' weekly close times' within the meaning of the recited Act and this Act." Now a some-" what similar provision might with advantage be adopted here. It has proved of immense advantage in the Home Country, and it may safely be asserted that the prohibition, of Sunday angling would prove of much good in New Zealand. If the writer remembers aright, a Fisheries Bill was introduced into the House some time ago, but it was allowed, to drop through some cause or another. It contained a clause dealing with the question of Sunday-fishing, and was to the effect that the practice should be forbidden. Since then, it appears that the subject has not been dealt with, and if such is the case it is to be hoped that the Government or some private member will take the necessary steps to remedy the evil. The question is one of some importance, and therefore deserving of attention. It is- to be trusted that something will be done in the matter, as it is a question closely connected with the future moral welfare of the people. [A Fisheries Bill is now before Parliament, the second, reading having been adjourned. — Ed.]

Of the many subjects requiring attention, that of the cause of fireß needs immediate investigation. The number of fires that have occurred lately throughout the Colony is something alarming, and though it has not yet been proved, still there are good grounds, in many instances, to suppose that many of the conflagrations were not accidental, but, on the contrary, were caused for the purpose of obtaining the insurance-money. Many of the fires were no doubt accidental ; while others have been brought about by downright carelessnesß. The latter, it is certain, is the cause of the majority of the fires ; but notwithstanding this, a proportion of them are so suspicious that incendiarism is at once suggested as the cause. With this unsatisfactory condition of affairs, the various insurance companies have much to answer for. Policies are so easily obtained that the evil-minded are often tempted to take advantage of the free-and-easy style of business carried on by the insurance companies generally. Indeed, the laxity of many offices in not looking properly after their business, and the character of those who insure their property, is tantamount to offering a premium for the prevalence of fires. This state of things may, to a great extent, be traced to the over-competition that exists, and the anxiety of the companies' agentß to get customers on almost' any condition. It is evident that the insurance companies will have to be a little more cautious in the future unless they glory in the prevalence of fires. If each office were to agree not to insure property for more than one-half its value, and to

refuse to issn-i a policy on any property that was already insured in two offices, it might have the effect of decreasing the number of fires in the Colony. Then, again, it would not be a bai plan to enact that the party owning any house in which fire had been c-iused through a lighted kerosene lamp being left -in the house while the occupiers were at the theatre or taking a walk, should only receive onehalf the amount of the insurance-money. This would be a good measure and would act as a preventive against fires ; and when it is considered that a very large number of conflagrations are caused through a lighted lamp being left on the table or mantelpiece while the owners are out for a few minutes, it will be s ;en that auch a law would tend to make people more careful and watchful.

Mr Macandrew, M.H.R., is a second edition of the French minister of Public Instruction, M. Duvaux. Both would have the people educated in politics, the .only difference being that their methods of imparting such instruction are somewhat dissimilar. M. Duvaux would have the subject of politics introduced into the schools, and there taught to the children. He considers that it is a duty incumbent on the State to educate the people in politics, and this, to his thinking, could not be better done than by making the study of politics part of the school curriculum. The children of France, he urges, would grow up better citizens if they were tauyht somewhat of the principles of political economy, and the history of Governments and of their country. For making such a proposal, M. Duvaux was, of course, fiercely attacked from many quarters, and the idea of introducing politics into the schools was pronounced preposterous and laughed at. Mr Macandrew, although not going so far as M. Duvaux, has nevertheless been laughed at for the method he has conceived of educating the electors in a political sense. His method of diffusing politics is by means of " Hansard," and to carry out his laudable desire he gave notice in the House a few days back, to the effect that a copy of "Hansard" should be sent by post free on application to every registered elector. This, of course, has been termed a ridiculous proposition, but notwithstanding that, it is to be trusted that the good sense of Parliament will prevail and that they will agree to carry out Mr Macandrew's idea. It will be the means of doing a lot of good.

Forgery and embezzlement seem to He pretty rife now-a-day in this Colony. In almost every city, crime of this description has recently been brought to light, and though som9 of the delinquents have made good their escape, others are to be brought to justice for their misdeeds. The calendar for the ensuing session of the Dunedin Supreme Court contains no less than three cases of embezzlement and two of forgery. On Tuesday last, another was added to the list in the person of Charles Brodie Cooper, who was committed to take his trial for forging a cheque on the National Bank of New Zealand for the sum of £6 10a. This description of crime might be considerably abated if business men were not so ready to cash every cheque that is presented to them by their customers. Publicans especially seem to be very easy in this direction ; they are always anxious to oblige, with the result that they are often taken advantage of in the matter of cashing valueless cheques. It is, of course, not implied that hotel-keepers are alone to blame. Other men of business have much to answer for in not being careful as

to what paper they accept ; but nevertheless it is a noteworthy fact that the majority of cases of forgery have some connection with an hotel. To cash cheques for every Tom, Dick, or Harry, without first using some caution and making a little enquiry, is tantamount to encouraging forgery, and it therefore behoves business men to be very careful of their dealings in this direction. The determination to take cheques only from those who are known would have the effect of considerably lessening the crime.

Notwithstanding the fact that the last session of the New Zealand Parliament was designated and looked upon as being a very barren one, a large number of measures of more or less importance became law. In connection with these enactments of last year, there is a matter deserving of attention, and which, if properly looked after, will be the means of saving a large amount of annoyance. At the close of the session, these statutes came into operation, but owing to the fact that the Government printing-office was overtaxed with work, many of the Acts were not ready for distribution till some months after the closing of Parliament. This of course, caused a considerable amount of annoyance and loss, and lawyers and others were at their wits' end how to act in many cases. The bungle, to a certain extent, was excusable, owing to the press of work in the printingoffice, but it is to be hoped that the Government will this year see that Acts passed by Parliament are printed and distributed in good time. It is absolutely necessary that new laws should be placed in the hands of the bench, bar and the public with as little delay as possible after the closing of the session. This is obvious ; for the success or non-success of an important action may turn upon some new or amended clause of an act. , ■ Injustice might also be caused through delay. It is to be trusted that this matter will receive the attention due to it.

With the action of the Dunedin Central Licensing Committee in refusing to renew the license of the Railway Refresh-ment-room, the travelling public and others appear to be greatly incensed. It is urged that the rooms have all along been of a very great convenience ; and in taking away the license for the Bale of intoxicants, the Committee inflicted a great wrong on the proprietor as well as causing an injustice to the travelling public. The rooms, from all accounts, were conducted in a proper manner, no complaints having been made to the contrary ; and under such circumstances, it does seem strange that the license should be witheld, especially so when it is taken into con sideration that the Dunedin Station is a large and central one, and one at which there is a great deal of passenger- traffic. What led the Committee to decide not to issue the license, is a matter of much speculation at the present time. The Committee, of course, stated that they did not think the license necessary ; but if they stick by such a bald plea as this, it shows how very little they are acquainted with what is really wanted, and that they are incapable of fulfilling their duties in such a manner as would conduce to the interests and convenience of the public. However, a petition on the subject is to be presented to the Committee, and it is to be hoped that they will see their way r clear to rectify a very serious blunder, which apparently has been committed by , mistake.

The case brought against Mr J. Smith (lawyer) by the Land Board for failing to answer a summons to give evidence at the inquiry re dummyism, was dismissed by Mr E. H. Carew, R.M., on the ground that there was no "dispute" bt fore the Land Board regarding the recent Bale of lands. The Board, therefore, in his opinion, had nothing to inquire into, and consequently had no power to summon to give evidence. Coats were allowod to the defenlant. The decision will probably be appealed against.