NATIONAL SOCIALISM’S SOURCE OF STRENGTH.

Star (Christchurch), Volume XLIV, Issue 522, 3 August 1932, Page 6

NATIONAL SOCIALISM’S SOURCE OF STRENGTH.

Germany To-day

Disappointment and Despair that Followed the Versailles Treaty.

By Dr Julius Curtius. (Former German Minister of Foreign Affairs.)

In order to make a new start towards co-operation between peoples, it seems to me that the possibilities arising out of the election campaigns in three of the largest countries of Europe must be clearly borne in mind. They must be considered together with an event which is to take place in the autumn of this year in America—the Presidential and Congressional elections. These important factors, together with their'Significance for international politics, must be grasped before it is possible to understand the utter stagnation in the spirit of international duty which has prevailed in the recent past and, unfortunately, still prevails.

JNTEREST in all these elections is great ever\ r where. It is generally recognised that the shaping of a country’s foreign policy is increasingly dependent upon the movements existing within that country. At the same time, unconsciously, perhaps reluctantly, one feels the ever-increasing influences which bind nation to nation. The talk of isolation and of a policy of nonentanglements in no way disproves this contention.

has been entered, as an unredeemable mortgage, the moral, political and economic disqualification of the losers and the hegemony of the conquerors; a Europe foregoing every thought of healthy development, desirous of establishing for all time the dictatorially created status quo. This unfortunate structure. * which has narrow-mindedly shut out all possibility of progress, is the Supreme Lie of apost-war policy, from which the struggling, suffering ups and downs of the last twelve years have logically developed. It is the Via Dolorosa for Germany; it is a false way for all Europe." This was not said by a National Socialist, but by Dr Bruning, the leader of the party which has shared responsibility for German policy since the end of the war. It is Bruning who has brought the influence of a Christian conscience to bear upon international politics. Stresemann himself thought and felt exactly in the same way. Both in private and in public he repeatedly gave expression to his sentiments.

These tendencies towards isolation and self-sufficiency are natural manifestations of the world crisis. They are directed against the false methods of international intercourse employed in the post-war period, against international politics founded- on force, against commercial intercourse operating only with most-favoured nation clauses, against a mechanised credit-system of international capitalism constantly disturbed by politics. These things will find a proper adjustment if it be possible to bring about a co-operation among governments based on mutual confidence; if a commercial organisation can be created elastic enough to adapt itself to modern production and consumption conditions; if the large noteissuing banks, in common with their governments, co-operate in the establishment of a credit system corresponding to the needs of international economics.

This 3'ear on Stresemann’s. birthday (May 10) I visited his grave. I asked myself how Stresemann would speak and act today. I am convinced that in the great international questions of the present—disarmament, reparations, economic organisation of Europe—he would follow’ the same Jine as his successors. And most assuredly he would deplore the failure of the international conferences with the same bitter emphasis as Dr Bruning. His warning too would be as solemn as Dr BTuning’s: “Do you not see that from the graves of the nations’ dead hopes demoniacal spirits of negation and destruction arise? . . . From the inwardly untrue, unnatural' conception of peace universal disaster has come. Unless a change takes place the world will sink ever deeper into the untold misery w’hich under the names of ‘ economic crisis ’ and ‘ unemployment ’ threatens to scourge all civilised countries.” I do not wish to be misunderstood. Nothing lies further from me than to conjure Stresemann’s spirit or to cite Bruning’s words in order to threaten. I have set forth' the opportunities which at the close of the election campaigns in England, German}-, France and America present themselves to the statesmen now freed from the coercion of election tactics. It is my duty also to point to the dangers which will arise if the time is not properly utilised—if that creative and constructive policy of reform so urgently necessary for Europe's welfare is not finally adopted. May all responsible statesmen realise to the full that the one issue actually at stake and governing all single problems is this: Is Erirope at last going to follow Chancellor Bruning’s moving appeal to finish that interregnum between war and peace in which we are still living and to set up a peace which is not a dictated peace but, as President Wilson dreamt, “ a peace with healing in its wings”? (“Star” Copyright.)

The paths to these goals are long and tedious. Before they are reached, tremendous demands will be placed on the responsibility and vision of statesmen. At least, it is well that they should be freed from the. leaden weight of elections. They must make good use of their time before the next rendering of account to their peoples: they must take resolute hold of the great task of reconstructing international politics and international economics. A great deal depends on the attitude of the other nations towards Germany. Are they willing to co-operate in the removal of essential causes for the unrest and radicalism in Germany? National Socialism’s source of strength lies in the inexpressible national disappointment and despair engendered in the German people by thirteen years’ operation of the Versailles Treaty. The reaction was bound to follow. Fifteen years ago the world’s mightiest statesman sounded a warning against just such a development of affairs. In a message to the Senate President Wilson said of that it should be the goal of war: “It must be a peace without victory. Victory would mean peace forced Upon the loser, a victor’s terms imposed upon the vanquished.” To the great misfortune of us all this warning, springing from a deep and statesmanlike insight, was in vain. “ The Paris Peace Dictates have created a new European map, but not a new healthy Europe. Out of the fateful mixture of conqueror’s pride and economic short-sighted-ness a Europe has arisen in whpse ledger