SINN FEINISM.

Star (Christchurch), Issue 11762, 28 July 1916, Page 4

SINN FEINISM.

raiRY INTO THE KE?EL!ION MR BIRRELL S STRIKING ' ADMISSIONS. The " Irish Times " of May 27 contains a full report of the evidence htaid before the Royal Commission charged to inquire into the facts surrounding the recent rebellion, and amongst the, witnesses called whose evidence is given is Mr Birrell, who up to the time of the troublo filled the position of Chief Secretary for Ireland. In answer to questions Mr Birrell said that he had seen the evidence given by Sir Mathew Nathan. but he d'id not desire to make any additions to it. He added that he had prepared a statement of a general character on Sinn Feinism, and at once proceeded to read it. The statement was as follows: The spirit of what to-day is called Sinn Feintsm is mainly composed ol tnt old hatred and distrust of the British connection, always noticeable in all classes and and" in all places, varying in degree, and finding different, ways of expression, but always there as the ■ background of Irish politics and character. Dr Newman, on coming over to Dublin as an- English Catholic, in the very middle of tho last century, discovered it for himself, and was amazed and disgusted at its virility, and was very glad to get away from it. This dislike, hatred, disloyalty (so unintelligible to many Englisiimen) is hard to define, but easy to discern, though incapable of exact measurement from year to year. You may assume it is always there, and always dangerous. Reasons are often given for its persistency despite efforts to obliterate it. Had Catholic Emancipation accompanied the Act, of Union, had the land tenure reform been ante-dated half a century, had the Protestant ChiAch of Ireland been disestablished a little more to please the Irish people and not so much to gratify the British Nonconformist, had the University question been earlier settled, is is possible, though not obvious, that this spirit of Sinn Feinism might by now have been exorcised. It has, in point of fact, been immensely weakened and restricted, and out of many Irish breasts it may, perhaps, havo been removed altogether. TRANSFORMATION. The last twenty years havo worked transformation. The face of the country is changed. Self-government has been established in the counties on the most democratic plan, and with the most democratic results ever devised or accomplished, even by Tories, and, though the experiment was a risky one, it has, on the whole, succeeded. The Irish Local Government hoard, though much exposed to criticism, and' coming in for a fair share of abuse, is essentially an Irish board, and wholly outside what js called', often most uninstructedly, " the Castle " influence. The Congested Districts Board, with enlarged statutory powers and a verv considerable income, is also essentially an Irish board, and within its powers and within its income supreme. The Department, as it is called, of Agriculture and Technical Instruction is Irish in all its ways, quarrels and pursuits. And yet, despite these things, and in the face of prosperity among the farmers, cottages for the labourers, and control over her most important affairs, no close observer of Ireland as a whole during the last two years or so could fail to notice that this Sinn F"eiu. spirit was increasing. For a number <?f years the Home Rule controversy, which seemed' at last to be on its way to a Parliamentary solution, absorbed most of the energies of active politicians, whilst those who were out of real sympathy with a movement which seemed to them limited and unromantic, were content to allow the controversy to be conducted in Parliament by able leaders, and to run its course, whilst they stayed at home and attended, or at "least supported, the Gaelic League and other'kindred and influential societies THE IRISH LITERARY REVIVAL.

This period' was also marked by a genuine lierary Irish revival, in prose, poetrv, and' tlie drama, which has produced remarkable books and plays, and a school of acting, all characterised by originality and independence of thought and < xpression. quite divorced from anv political party, and all tending towards and feeding latent desires for some kind c-f separate Irish national existence. It Was a curious situation to watch, but there was nothing in it suggestive of revolt or. rebellion, except in the realm of thought. Indeed, it was quite the other way. The Abbey Theatre made merciless fun of mad political enterprise, and lashed with savage satire some' historical aspects of the Irish revolutionary. I was often amazed at the literary detachment and courage of the playwright, the relentless audacity of the'actors and actresses, and the patience and comprehension of the audience. This new critical tone and temper, "noticeable everywhere, penetrating everything, and' influencing many minds in all ranks, whilst having its disintegrating effects upon old-fashioned political beliefs and worn-out controversial ph rasas, was the deadly foe of that wild sentimental passion which has once more led so many brave young fellows to a certain doom, in the belief that in Ire land any revolution is better than none. A little'rnnre time, and. but for the outbreak of the war, this new critical temper would, in my belief, have finally prevailed not infleed to destroy nationasentiment (for that is immortal), but to kill by ridicule insensate revolt. iJut this was not to be. SOME " CAUSES " OF ANTIP A THY. There are a number of contributory causes, which lately have created antipathy to constitutional methods ana' tended to increase in numbers. First — f*rowing doubts about the actual.advent of Home Rule. If the Home Rule Bill had not hceri placed on the Statute Book there must have been in Ireland and the United States a great and dangerous oNph-ion of rage and disappointment, whieh when the war bioke out would have ms-;ir.ned the most alarmin" proportion.; in Irlai'd. All (outside'narts of Ulster) would have joined hand"-, whilst our reports noin Wa.-h----im.;ion tell us what the elTeet in America would have been. Still, even with Homo Rulo on tho Statute Book,

the clianco of its ever becoming a fact was so uncertain, the outstanding difficulty about Ulster was so obvious, and the details of the measure itself were so unattractive and difficult to transmute into telling platform phrases, that Home Rule as an emotional flag fell out of daily use in current Irish life. People left off talking about it, or waving it in the air. Second —In Ireland, wherever Constitutional and Parliamentary procedure cease to bo of absorbing influence, other men, other methods, other thoughts, before somewhat haVshly snubbed, come rapidly to the surface, and secure attention, syn-.pathv and' support. The sneers of the O'lHrnites. the daily naggings in the Diib'in " Insh Independent," also contributed to the partial eclipse of Home Rule, and this eclipseforetold danger. THE ULSTER REBELLION. Third —The Ulster rebellion, the gun running at Larne, the Covenant, tiie Provisional Government, and its r.\- ; bers, itts plan of warfare in Belfast, its armed volunteers and public drillings, and all the rest of the pomp and circumstances of revolution, had the most prodigious effect upon disloyalists elsewhere. There was no anger with the Ulster rebe.s. Catholic Ireland wais very proud of them. " What they are allowed to d'o we can do." This needs no elaboration from mo. Fourth—Then came the war. on August 4, 1914. _ This was the moment of the greatest risk. Nobody could foretell what would happen .in Ireland, or what her attitude would be. It might easily have demanded 60,000 soldiers to keep her down. _ Mr Redmond's spontaneous, patriotic, courageous, but British, speech, was a bold stroke, and bravely has it succeeded. One hundred and' fifty thousand Irish volunteer soldiers are fighting as Irish soldiers know how to fight. _ on the side ■of Great Britain. To me it is marvellous. But there were in Ireland men and women who thoucht that Mr Redmond had thrown away a great opportunity, and that he should have struck a bargain with the Crown ere he consented to become a recruiting officer for it. These men were in a small minority. Ireland preserved an unbroken front with the rest of the United Kingdom and the Empire, and this she did to the bitter disappointment of Germany. But the minority were still there, and were shortlyto be increased in numbers. Fifth—The Coalition Government, with Sir Edward Carson in it. It is impossible to describe or over-estimate the effect of this in Ireland* The fact that Mr Redmond could, had he chosen to do so, have sat in the same Cabinet with Sir Edward Carson, had no mollifying influence. If Mr Redmond had consented, he would, on the instant, have ceased 1 to be an Irish leader. This step seemed to make an end of Home Rule,- and strengthened the Sinn Feiners enormously all over the country. Sixth—The prolongation of the war, and its dubious end. Irish criticism of the war and its chances were hot of the optimistic cast that prevail in Britain Every event and result was put in the balance, and weighed. The excitement was immense. So long as the war lasted—and it soon became obvious that it might last for years—there were not wholly unreasonable expectations of a German landing in England or a landin" in Ireland, and of partial risings in different parts of the country, which, if timed so as to synchronise with a German bombardment of the English coasts, and hosts of Zeppelins flving oyer the North of England and the Mid l ands. would be quite enough—so it might well be thought by an Irish revolutionist—to secure a fair chance of an immediate Irish success, which, were Germany ultimately victorious, cou'd not but greatly damage British authority and rule in the future. German assistance was at the bottom of the outbreak. The war turned many heads and nps"t prudent calculations. To this, in Dublin, wns added the hoard ptf passions of the labour disputes and Pachelor's Walk.