PARLIAMENT OUT OF SESSION.

Star (Christchurch), Issue 3210, 22 July 1878, Page 3

PARLIAMENT OUT OF SESSION.

MB. MOOKHOTJSE AT THE ODDFELLOWS' HALL. On Saturday evening Mr W. S. Moorhouse, one of the members for the City, addressed a 'meeting of his constituents in the Oddfellows' Hall, Lichfield street. There were about two hundred persons present. Mr Rolleston was unanimously voted to the chair. The Chaibmak eaid that he came there that evening as a listener — ac one gentleman who wished to listen to another, who always had a hearing from the people of Christchurch, and who, from his long connection with the Province and earnest purpose to serve them, deserved well at their hands. Although not a citizen of Christchurch, yet, as they wished him to take the chair, he was happy to do bo, and he felt satisfied that they would give Mr Moorhouse an impartial hearing, and listen to him with attention. Mr Moobhottsb, who was received with applause, said that he was very much obliged to them for attending that evening in such numbers, the more so as he had been given to understand that Saturday was an inconvenient night for holding a meeting. He supposed that they were desirous of knowing what his opinions were as to the claims of Sir G. Grey to the support of the people of the Colony. Now it was particularly well known to his constituency that the circumstances which led to the elevation of Sir George Grey to the Premiership were not the result of any act of his (Mr Moorhouse); on the contrary, it was particularly well known that he was a back and edge, an out and out supporter of the late administration j in point of fact, when he was elected he was returned on that ticket, and he then pledged himself that he would do Mb best to support them so long as they acted in a manner which he believed to be for the welfare of the Colony. He did support them jhe stuck by that party so long as a rag was left. He stood by that party until, under circumstances never to be forgotten, it dissolved. That party had ceased to be, and if ever the men composing it worked together again the party would have entirely to be re-organized. But although that party had been dissolved its indmduality remained, and would remain until circumstances again called upon its members to take action. He had not the least hesitation in telling them what his attitude would be in the future. He (Mr Moorhouse) remembered how a very jocular friend of his, who was the editor of a newspaper, had in his pleasant jocular manner Btyled him (Mr Moorhouse) as a "prince of humbugs, ' and said that he would " out Herod Herod " with regard to Sir G. Grey in making professions. That newspaper was published not a thousand miles from Christchurch, and had once stuck by him in circumstances of the direst extremity ; but be that as it may, he entreated them to believe that he was not capable of humbugging any body of men. He had personally witnessed Sir G. Grey's career in thin Colony, and had read of his triumphant ■uoeea* in other parts of the Empiie, and he had sufficient knowledge of Sir (*. Grey to know that he was eminently eloquent Mid an exceedingly able man, aad although he i

(Mr Moorhouse) did his best to keep Sir G. Grey out of office, yet when he saw from the fact that only lately 15 men had been returned to Parliament who were the avowed supporters of SirG. Grey's administration, that the country at present was in favour of Sir G. Grey, he felt compelled to Bay that it would be extremely arrogant on his (Mr Moorhouse' s) part it' he did not Btand aside and allow the administration of Sir G. Grey a fair trial. This he would say, that he would strenuously support the Government in every effort they made to do good, but he would be a sturdy rebel if they endeavoured to initiate a bad policy. (Hear, hear). During the last session many staunch supporters seceded from the ranks of the late Government. No doubt they thought that they were fully justified in making the change, but still the fact remained that many very talented members made changes in a manner which to him was inexplicable. They all, however, knew thai; novelty was desirable, and however talented Mr Hoskine, Charles Kean, or other great actors, might be, and however great their capabilities of amusing an audience, still a time did come when it was desirable to have a change. That, however, did not imply any want of ability on the part of the actors, but rather pointed to the fact that the public were satiated with them, and although the country had received from the late Government the public works and immigration policy, he should not be at all surprised if parties were to arise and say that that policy was a grand mistake. Some people said that the late Government were played out, and that the country was tired of them, and very possibly that was the fact. There was, however, another course which led to the retirement of the late Government. There were several gentlemen in the Assembly who desired office. This consciousness of power naturally ! suggested the idea " I ought to have a seat in the Cabinet and lead a party as well as Jones, for I am quite as capable as he is of doing so," and bo in order to bring about such a state of things it became necessary to turn out the Ministry, and they were accordingly turned out, and Sir G. Grey and his party succeeded to power, although at that time they had not a majority in the House. And here he was bound to characterise the tactics pursued by the present Government in order to prevent the House expressing an opinion upon them as a Ministry as niOßt unchivalric. The means used by them in order to prevent a division being taken were not to be admired on the score of generosity. It was well known that there was a majority against the Government, but they used their power 60 cleverly that it was impossible that a division could be taken, and so the Grey Government remained in power. After, however, the lapse of a few months, and during the recess, he had arrived at the conclusion that it was a good thing they had got a change of Ministry. He intended to watch closely what would be the effect of a very great change which was about to be made, of an experiment which was almost revolutionary in its character, of a movement led by Sir G. Grey, as the country would then have an opportunity of judging how far the men who made great professions were to be trusted. For his own part ho sincerely hoped that all the promises made by Sir G. Grey would be carried out. Ho certainly did not suppose that the minority would not have for a time the support of the public, but at the same time he doubted the power of that party to realise their promises. He was very much struck by an expression made use of in a very clever speech made by hie friend the AttorneyGeneral, when lately addressing his constituents in Dunedin. That honourable and learned gentleman in effect said : — " That it was for the Government to bo prepared with a plan, and to work up to it." No man could do more than that; it was impossible to effect reform all at once, and doubtless if all tho reforms proposed were effected, and they met again twenty-five years hence, they would still find propositions for reform to be carried out. But there was one of the plans spoken of by Sir George Grey, with which he did not agree} he had no sympathy with it. He did not wish to be offensive, but he looked upon the proposal of manhood suffrage as " Buncombe," a thing to be avoided, a thing which was likely to prove of great mischief. He would appeal to those working men who were qualified to vote whether they would like a man who had nothing, or a man whose whole possessions, perhaps, consisted of a carpet bag, to be admitted to the power of taxing their hard earnings ? Was it right to entrust the franchise to a man who would make no provision for his family ? Was it just that those who, through hard work and self-denial, had dona so, should be brought down to the level of such a man ? (Hear, hear, and cries of dissent.) His belief was that it would be productive of absolute mischief to enlarge the franchise to the extent proposed by Sir George Grey, or even to the modified extent which some of his colleagues wished, (Hear, hear, and cries of " No, no ") Where was the premium for industry and respectability if they were going to level every man to the same position, to regard every man as having equal power in the State. If they were thus going to make all things in common he would ask where would they stop ? There was no necessity for extending the franchise further than it was now. If a man chose to work hard and deny himself, he would soon accumulate property and would then be entitled to the franchise, and to have a share in power of the State. What sympathy was there between the man who had property and the^Baan who had none ? He presumed that most of the non-electora desired to make provision for their families, and to accumulate property for that purpose, and when they had done so he would ask them how would they iike men who would not work, would exercise no self denial, to have the power of taxing the property which they had denied themselves and worked hard to obtain ? (Hear, hear). He hoped, however, that the country would have the full benefit of the radical change in the administration -which, had taken place,, and that no attempt would be made to stop the current of that administration. The bite Prime Minister had said that " the country wanted political rest ;' now he (Mr Moorhouse) thought that they wanted a year's labour on the part of the present Ministry to work out their schemes, and he was quite willing to have a short Besßion, and thus to give the country a year's rest that it might have time to recover its senses. He had received a very interesting letter from a body of men here, who styled themselves a " Reform Association," and he had had the honour of an interview with a gentleman connected with that Association. He told that gentleman what he was going to tell them now. He had heard of that Association before he came down, and he had also heard that it was a body which stood out for the advocacy of the most radical reforms, and he had arrived at the conclusion that their labours were not the best calculated to direct a political movement, but after reading their circular he was bound to say that if the discussions of the Reform Association were akin to the circular addressed to him, they were in good taste, and he was very glad to express his belief that they would be exceedingly useful so long as they were moderate, and so long as the members of that Association would take facts for their premises. He could not, however, agree with the Association in their advocacy of the extension of the franchise as proposed by Sir G. Grey. He found, however, that they had expunged one of their original propositions, and it was just probable, as time went on, they would alter their opinions on some of the proposals they had laid before the public. He knew not what questions they proposed to put to him, but as he proposed to say but little more he might state that he should be happy to reply, to the best of his ability, to any questions. Most of them knew that when he was amongst them he devoted himself to promote the material progress of the country. Well, he was just in the groove now. Whilst he was fully sensible of the great good which had resulted from the efforts of those who were endeavouring 1 o educate the people and thus to advance f civ intellectual acquirements, still he rescrvuu to himself tl c right of endeavouring to promote their material progress, their progress in commerce and agriculture, as being best calculated to advance their greatness. That was his idea. At the same time, he entreated them to believe that

he was not indifferent to social questions generally. He knew he should be asked if he Baw fit to offer himself at the next election, and he had no doubt there was impending over him, a formidable category of questions from the Good Templars and from some religious bodies on the education question. But he could anticipate these by saying that he should not be found to repress publichouses by any statute ; he did not believe that they could repress intemperance by legislation. He believed the Good Templars' work was beneficial to society generally, but he certainly could not accept the dogma that either a majority or a minority had any constitutional right to invade a man's private walk in life. It was no part of their Constitution ; it was a line beyond which the Legislature very rarely travelled, and he could not call to mind at the moment instances in which the Legislature stepped in, except in regard to the health of towns, inoculation, or in the matter of restraining a man from allowing a savage dog to go loose. For many years there had been a machinery in existence for restraining by license the improper vending of liquors. He conceived that if a majority or a given number in any district chose to suspend the sale of liquor in a publichouse, that suspension ought to be respected ; but if the holder of that license had invested honestly earned money, and held the property by law, he (Mr Moorhouse) could not see any reason, whatever for taking away or destroying that property, unless the people who desired to effect the change paid for it themselves. He believed that was the view entertained by leading men on each side of the House. It was whispered abroad that it was not to be a Government question, but he could say the feeling was very strong in the House that if public-houses were to be closed at the instance of a parish, that parish should pay for it out of its own resources. About education, he held the same opinion "which he had expressed on previous occasions ; he did not believe in denominational education. He believed in education secular and compulsory, as now. He felt very strongly the disadvantages that would result from splitting up the Colony into large divisions. He thought there was a lingering desire on the part of some members of the Cabinet to return to Provinces in a modified form. Now, instead of having a return to the ancient Provincialism, the time for which, in his opinion, had gone by for some years, he should have a hundred Provinces instead of nine ; he was not ashamed to confess that he would endow every municipality of the Colony with powers within its own limits to do what it hbed, giving it most complete powers and most complete responsibilities. That was the theory which he advanced some years ago, and after considerable discussion Mr Ballance, a member of the present Government, agreed that it was the right principle. He would say, "Let the local bodies borrow, if they like, to make public works in their own district ; let them have power to combine with other bodies to make common works, but let them be solely answerable for the debt which they contract upon the voice of the public — let the public I have a voice in saying what shall be borrowed and what shall be spent, leaving details to the local executive; but let there be no shelter outside of this to the creditor." He had heard it said that Government should protect municipalities against themselves. That was too shallow altogether. How could they expect the citizens of New Zealand to rise into that responsibility with which Sir George Grey was going to endow them, if they wrote on their front, "We are going to protect you against yourselves." For himself he would say, " I jvill endow you with all powers, but give you all responsibilities," and he would further say — " Mr Creditor, you are not to rely upon Colonial security." An immediate consequence of that would be that the labours of the General Assembly would be comparatively light, for every municipality and every Road Board would be a body acting on powers with which it would be endowed under the Constitution, and it would not be necessary to go to the Assembly with more than one-third of the present number of Bills. He would stop thiß large amount of legislating by Parliament for local bodies, and would say to the public of a district, " Gentlemen — in the matter before you, do as you think right — it is for you to say whether you will pay the interest." He would cut the matter short by trusting the public thoroughly. The General Government were not such good judges of local interests as the people themselves, and it was not of the slightest consequence whether the Legislature were informed or not, because the law would operate within certain limits, and the only thing would be whether local laws would be within the spirit of the English law, and agreeable to people within the districts. If that view were accepted the Provinces would be of no use whatever, and the country would be governed at about a quarter of the expense, very few departments would be required to be kept up to their present strength, and he was certain the people of the Colony would be far more contented than they were now. He would repeat i what he had said when called upon to addreßß a meeting in the hall lately. He agreed with the things which fell from Mr Stevens. He read what was reported to have been said by Mr Richardson, and he was bound to say it was a very thoughtful good speech, and he should adopt that speech in the main as an expression of his views. Mr Sichardson, in common with other sensible reflecting men, I saw how important it was to the Colony that | the experiment initiated should run to its legitimate issue. He (Mr Richardson) supposed that when the Assembly would meet Sir George Grey would have a majority of 25 at least — a majority against which it would be impossible to work except in the way of friendly advice or consultation. He had not the slightest doubt that Government would receive friendly advice from the Opposition. Whether opposition there would be or not be he could not tell ; who the leader of the Opposition was to be he could not conjecture. Various members who did not work ■with, tho Government had been mentioned, his friend in the chair among others. But he thought Sir George Grey might feel apprehensive of sharing the fate of the sportsman who quarrelled with his dogs. It was quite possible, before many years were over, that Sir George Grey and some of the leaders at present holding office, might begin to feel some apprehensions of danger from a change of temper in the Assembly. Let the meeting fancy the unfortunate predicament of a man whose popularity was so great that it was impossible to get together, out of people who were not out and out supporters, enough people to make an opposition. A difficulty would arise. There would be 50 or 60 gentlemen as fit to take office as anyone else. In the course of two or three years there would be discontent on the part of many members who wished to take office. If he could discern that the last changes in political opinion might be referred to a desire for office, what was to prevent similar causes operating in future ? And he should not be surprised to find a desire for office manifesting itself before that time. There would be a dilemma ; the meeting might rely upon that. Only the other day a friend remarked to him that the Government would be out of office in two years ; that the reaction would be as rapid as the present gratification was intense. It might be a cause of very great regret now, and he should not be surprised to find Sir George in some difficulty before long. The Government, were too strong now, and that was the greatest danger he could see in their situation. He liked many of the Government's proposals, and had been gratified by the sketch of their forthcoming policy. He liked their programme, but would say that in all particulars it appeared to bean inheritance derived from the late administration. There was no difference. The present Government was going in for public works, for economical '■ expenditure, for retrenchment. These comprised the policy of every Government that he remembered. The present Government were, however, a step in advance ; they were going to have universal suffrage, though in this particular some of them seeiiißcl (o flinch from " going the whole hog." The universal suffrage agitation was commenced in Auckland, where people had not so much work to do as they had down here. The Government had come further south with it, and the f wore of the agitation abated in proportion as the weather got colder. In Dunedin they did not

care for this manhood suffrage, and they found that the members of the Cabinet trimmed their dish according to the different palates. The Cabinet had not come down with a distinct proposal on the subject yet, but he believed that one member of the Cabinet would take the responsibility of bringing down a measure on the subject in a form which could be understood in all the Colony. He would support that measure, or as much of it as he was honestly convinced would be good for the Colony. He was very confident that the public works of the Colony would go on ; he was quite satisfied of that. The Public Works Department was in the hands of an energetic Minister, Mr Macandrew. He knew that Mr Macandrew was as fair and just to the whole Colony as to his own province, and it was quite amusing to find how much a man improved by having imposed on him the responsibilities of office. Why, that gentleman had forgotten that Otago was the only place in the universe. Dunedin was not the whole world to him now, and since he had become a Minister of the General Assembly, every part of the Colony appeared to have a claim upon him. He (Mr Moorhouse) believed that Mr Macandrew was a valuable Minister, and that it was his intention to advance the interests of every part of the Colony to the best of his power. In fact he (Mr Moorhouse) would be doing ministers a great injustice if he were to deny that there was very great ability resident in the present administration. What was more, it was quite impossible for one who frequented the public offices at Wellington as much as he did, to be unimpressed with the remarkable industry of the Ministry in their several departments ; and it was a very proud thingand a glorious tiling for him to live m a country not depending for its Government on half-a-dozen men, and to feel that there were numbers of men, too many men in fact, qualified to manage Government affairs. At the same time he thought it was a source of great expense, and on this ground he should like to see the able men of the Colony lessened in number by one-half, and that the good measures would be less maltreated than they were by men who had not time for giving the full consideration to them that they received from those who prepared them. He wished the constituents to understand that he was as much in spirits as ever he was. It was quite true that he was getting older, and, in ths estimation of some, getting stale, getting played out. However, they had got other good men. He was thankful to be the recipient of their favour. There were two other members, gentlemen who were younger men and abler men than himself, and, associated with these gentlemen, he was still capable of voting in his constituents' interests, and of rendering them some service. (Applause.) In answer to questions, Mr Mookhotfse said, regarding the Canterbury land fund, thab he wanted to obtain information on that subject himself. He was not clear as to the grounds on which that revenue was impounded. He could not, therefore, say what his opinion was, but would remark that there was a strong primd facie case against the Government. There was no doubt that the land revenue should be charged with the survey, but he was not sufficiently acquainted with the merits of the case to state an opinion on the subject. He should ask for an explanation in the Assembly, j and they might rely upon it that, as he was no party to the land fund being taken, he should endeavour to obtain justice for the Province, if there had been an injustice. It was not the case that he had been absent from the Assembly during the first six or seven weeks of last session ; the statement w^s utterly unfounded. Members of Parliament should be paid ; not to pay them would be to exclude poor but able men. He objected to triennial Parliaments ; the country was overdone with elections of every kind, and he thought it teok a new hand three years to learn his business. He advocated the defence of the harbours of the Colony. He did not believe in a man having a vote because he was 21 years of age — he believed in a man having a vote because he provided for his family and secured some property. As to whether he would serve the interests of Canterbury better by residing in Wellington than in this Province, he would reply that for reasons of a personal nature he must reside in Wellington. He had endless opportunities of performing little services to his constituents. He did not profess to be excessively active, but to say the least of it he was quite as useful to his constituents in Wellington as he would be here — probably more so. It was quite impossible for him to forget the place where he spent his manhood and all the best years of his life, and it was obvious to his best friends that he was earning a living where he was best able to procure one. Although he had not been too demonstrative he had not lost sight of the interests of Canterbury. He was in favour of public-houses being opened during dinner hour on Sunday, so that the poor man could get his beer as fresh as the rich man, who could afford to keep a barrel. He was in favour of charitable aid being a charge on the consolidated revenue, provided they could get efficient local administration. The cost of maintaining the distressed would thus be equally distributed over the whole country, and would not press in an especial manner on the towns. If he had the remotest chance of securing the extension of the endowment for Christchurch he would do so. He was most decidedly in favour of the extension of the railway to the West Coast, to Hokitika, Greymouth, and the other towns. He believed it would be an enormous advantage not only to the West Coast and Canterbury, but to the whole of this seaboard as far as Invercargill. After considerable discussion a vote "of thanks to Mr Moorhouse for his address, but that this meeting declined to recognise him as its representative," was negatived, and a hearty vote of thanks to him was carried by acclamation. Mr Mookhottse, in replying, remarked that he had had -very great difficulty in addressing them that evening. The usual compliment to the chair terminated the proceedings.