POLICY OF THE LEFT.

Star (Christchurch), Issue 536, 7 February 1870, Page 2

POLICY OF THE LEFT.

A change of Ministry is expected as soon as the first shock of war has shown the strength of parties. It was, indeed, announced that M. Eraile Ollivier had been summoned to the helm, to form a moderate Cabinet, and initiate a policy of conciliation, but the negotiations were not carried through, although he is confidently named as " the coming man." No time haa been lost by the Left in taking the field. At the first meeting of the Chamber, M. Jules Favre gave notice of a series of questions, or '• interpellations," respecting the delay in the convocation of the House, the interference of the prefects with the elections, the disturbances in Paris, and the bloodshed in the mining districts. The same day he exercised for the first time the "initiative" conferred upon deputies by the Senatus ('onsultum, and brought in a bill declaring that henceforth constituent powers belong only to the Chamber. 'Ihis projet de loi so distinctly raises the points at ißsue, and is likely to exercise so important an influence in future discussions, that I give it a place in full:— " National sovereignty is the principle of all our institutions. It is the basis of modern public right. It may he delegated, but cannot be alienated or divided. By alienation it would be extinguished, and by division it would be an element of anarchy. The author of the Constitution of 1852, when he evoked the principles of 1789 submitted to this fuudamental law of all free societies. And yet, after having assumed constitutional power, the executive power pretends to retain it, and thus to elude the will of the country. It exercises the constituent power iudirectly by the Senate, which is of its own creation. It modifies the Constitution at pleasure, it usurps the legislative power, and thanks to this exorbitant authority, remains sovereign master of our institutions. Such a state of things is the confiscation of the national sovereignty. It compromises all interests by destroying all security. It places progress, not in the will of all, but in the hands of a single man. The country has plainly dedared by the last elections that it desires to govern itself, and not to be governed by one person. To conform to this decision of the country it is necessary to resort to first principles. The constituent power as well as the legislative power, can only belong to the representatives of the people freely elected. It is not enough for this nation to take an illusory part in a change of its constitution, by ratifying in a pltbiscitum resolutions taken without its having been consulted. A plebispitum which suppresses deliberation is essentially a veto on free voting ; it is the moat defective form of direct government ; it >was never at any time anything else than a lover of despotism. The principles above set forth are the basis of the bill which we have now the honour to submit to the chamber, and which is thus worded : — ' Sole Article. — The constituent power shall belong henceforth exclusively to the Corps Legislatif." The bill was objected to as unconstitutional by M. de Forcade la K. quette, and also by M. Ollivier. Great uproar was afterwards caused by that troublesome veteran M. Kaspai! demanding the impeachment of the Minister of the Interior for caus'ng assassination to be committed. It is evident that stormy debates are impending ; and there are still some who think that they will be followed by another coup d'etat. These later events throw the earlier movements of the month into the shade. I have already alluded to the proposal to elect nonjurors for Paris. M. Ledru Rollin was one who was persuaded to come forward as a candidate, and he issued an inflammatory appeitl to the populace, but afterwards withdrew on the ground that his coming forward might lead to a reaction in favour of the Government. M. Roehefort, having been allowed to return from Brussels, went over to London to bring Ledru Kollin under cover of his " safe conduct " back to I'arh; but the more prudent txile declined to aci ompany him. In a letter siuce published, lie S!iya that " After young hccheforl's visit his hesitation entirely ctased. I wish for' liherty, but not at any price; I wish for her clothed in white, not in purple I leave purple to emperors, and I foresee that, with men ( like Rochefort, we should inevitably come to a civil war. Admitting that blood was necessary in '93, to shed it now would be odious and useless." It appears to have been by the Emperor's own special order that Kochefort was permitted to enter France, and left free to utter his sedition in the streets of Paris. His speeches were so reckless in tone that they have destroyed what little reputation he hid, yot he was elected by a large majority in the first circumscription, by way ot protest against the empire, the strongest availnble expression of opposition. '1 he other tliree deputies returned were all " Irrecoiicilables," hut of the more reasonable order. As evidencing the temper of the i capital, it may be noted that, in the four circumscriptions, the total number of votes recorded in favour of " Irre-oncilable " candidates was 101.593; the total for Government men, 3,376; but for non-jurors only 8866.