Free Lancings

Observer, Volume XI, Issue 707, 16 July 1892, Page 10

Free Lancings

Here- shall the Press the People's Eight maintiin, Unawed by influence and xmbribed by gain ; Here patriot Truth her glorious precepts draw, Pledged to Eeligion. Li erty nnd.Law.

' Home Rule is dead 1' So says the sapient Herald, of Monday last, but it is difficult to see from whence it drew this deduction. The Herald is ever assertive and never veracious. The same article that contained this ridiculous statement also admitted that BO far as the English elections had gone, the Liberals, who are also the Home Rulers, had gained thirty seats from the ConservaIves. This also was only a part of the truth, for, in another part of the same paper, we find the Liberal gain authoritatively set down at fifty. Is this any indication that ' Home Rule is dead ?'. Is is not. rather proof of a distinct advance of the cause of Home llule ? Does it not tend to show decided progress in the popular opinion of England in the direction of granting to Ireland the Heaven-born right of every country — the right to rule her own affairs ?

It is impossible to say at the time of writing what the res lit of these eleotions may be,. but, there is no question that Ma Gladstone will have behind him a stronger party pledged to Home Bule than he had in the last Parliament. This, too, is intheface of the alienation of the labour section of the larger towns, caused by the refusal of Gladstone to accept the eight-hours doctrine ; and the secession of the Scottish Home Rule Association, -because he would not add Home Sule for Scotland to his immediate policy. The Conservative party have succeeded in throwing several disturbing elements into the stream of Home Eule opinion ; and these have had their weight m the elections that have gone. But the results up to the time of writing show conclusively that the cause of Home Eule has lost nothing in Great Britain, but on the contrary has gained considerably. This will probably be the last time that Gladstone will ever make a fight for the cause he has so nobly espoused ; but he has given it immortal life. It will never die. Other leaders will arise, and ere another decade has passed the right of Ireland to govern her own internal affairs w$ be conceded by the Parliament of Great Britain.

The result of the Rangitikei election does not affect the strength of parties in the House of Representatives, for both Mr Macabthue, the late member, and Mr Bbuce, his successor, were strong opponents of the- present Government. Apart from mere party considerations, Mr Beuce's election is a distinct gain to the House. He was a member of Beveral successive Parliaments, but was defeated at the last general elections. Mr Bruce is a fina, manly fellow, and a good speaker, and was for years a steady advocate of the seamen's franchise. Indeed, he followed a seafaring life himself; until recent years, and he reflects credit upon it. Mr Bruce is also a strong freetrade advocate, and he will be a valued addition to the ranks of that already too-weak party in the House.

What has become of all the Opposition talk concerning a probable dissolution ? That Financial Statement has evidently knocked the wind out of the dissolution bellows, for we hear not even a whimper on the subject now. The inevitable is bitter when it is also destructive to- our fondest illusions, and the Opposition illusions have been wholly dispelled by the sound and bold financial policy of the' Government. The Financial " Statement has met with the absolute ' approval of the country. Everywhere, the verdict is that the administration of the Government is wise and prudent, and never has the Conservative star been so' low in the political horizon as at tbe present time. The bogies of finance that . were to have proved so disastrous to the Government during the present session have been laid for a season by popular ridicule, but they will be resurrected again at some suitable season. In the meantime, the confidence of the country has been fully restored.

That the women of New Zealand are to have votes of their own is practically beyond the region of doubt. The Govern-, ment have not only taken up the principle, but have embodied it in one of their policy measures; and it is now stated that they are resolved to make a Government question of it. That means in plain English that they will stand or fall by it, so that the female franchise nail is virtually clinched. The ladies are to have their hearts desire, but how will they use it ? Will they exercise the vote conceded to them according to every personal whim or caprice ? or at the dictation of their most popular^ preacher ? or will the weight of responsibility that is now likely to rest upon them exercise such an influence over their minds as will dispel the fondness for gossip on such subjects as frocks, fashion and scandal, and pubstitute in its place a partiality for the abtruse problems of political economy ? Perhaps not, nor is such a radical change necessary. It is easy to acquire a grasp of the very parochial politics of a Parliament like our own, whose tendency is to spend its time in the discussion of questions of roads and bridges rather than abstract politics, and the women of New Zealand are not likely to be much at a loss in these.

It is really in the matter of social reform that the votes of women will play a most powerful pare. Hera is the sex that is most affected by the miseries accruing from the traffic in strong drink, and it is natural enough that her influence should be exercised to secure the more effective control of the trade. Absolute prohibition throughout the colony I is the doctrine preached by the most ardent advocates of the female franchise, but it is a doctrine quite impracticable. Prohibition in certain districts by the will of the majority, if you please, but absolute prohibition throughout the country would require the will of more even than the majority to make it acceptable or even tolerable to those who are described as moderate drinkers. We have no sympathy with the drinking customs of society, but we, as well as the most ardent prohibitionists, must remember that we are not everybody, and that the will of others is entitled to consideration as well as our own. But are the ardent pro hibitionists just in their conclusions that all women are also prohibitionists ?

And, apropos of prohibition, the proportion is still large of those who consider they have a right to close up hotels without any consideration for the position in which they leave the unfortunate publican. There is no virtue, in effecting the ruin of a helpleßS man, and yet this is what they would do. 'It is the devil's business,' they say, 'and it should be

closed,' but they have -no more right to ruin the devil than they have to ruin the most consummate saint who was ever canonised, or beatified, or whatever else they call it. If it is the will of the people that a hotel should be closed in the interests of morality, then close it ! but if in so doing you ruin the man whose whole capital is invested in that hotel property, then recompense him for the wrong done to him to secure the good of his fellows. Your reform- cannot be worth much if you cannot pay something to effect it ; why should he bear the whole cost of this moral improvement to the community ? England paid for the abolition of slavery — a truly glorious work — and why should Ne'v Zealand not be prepared to pay something for the emancipation of her people from the thraldom of the liquor fiend.

Most men of moderate views will regret that the bill introduced by Mb. Lawjry, giving effect to the principle of compensation to publicans whose licenses are cancelled, has met with an untimely fate. The only reproach that can be directed against Local Option legislation is that a wrong is done to the man whose business is closed. Why not remove that reproach once and for all ? If we concede all the con entions of ihe prohibitionist against the existence of hotels, and decide to closethem, we do so complacently with no .hardship or Belf-sacrifice to ourselves. But what hardship do we caus*e to others? In most eases, the publican has a lease of his hotel at a high rental — high because it was a hotel property. His lease is greatly reduced in value, .he cannot get a release from it, and his source of revenue being gone, he has not the income with which to meet the exorbitant demands of his landlord, and is ruined. So it is with the man who has invested all he has in a handsome building away from the main thoroughfare. It is not near enough to the business centre to be of value for any other purpose than a hotel, and the license 'being taken awayi it is a white elephant, and he is financially crushed. By all means, if our morality is worth anything, let us pay a little for it.