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The O.M.s Manifesto.

«gB&LECTORS OF NEW ZEALAND,- 1 am not a nfijSy candidate for your suffrages at the approachMgf*s mc General Election, and on that account can 3^p9? afford to speak my mind freely and advise you as to the best course to pursue in the present crisis of the colony's affairs. I have no axe to grind, and I will not be tempted to trim my sails to catob. votes ; therefore what I say to you may be taken as my conscientious convictions of what will be best for the country and people as a whole. # # *

In stating my political views, my desire is to guide my fellow-electors in bestowing their votes. Principles come before men ; bat political principles are not everything. If a plausible scamp and known liar should promise ever so fairly, place no trust in him. His moral principles being low, his political creed is a mere cloak to serve his own bsse and selfish ends. In a future issue I propose dealing briefly with the different candidates for Auckland seats, and indicating the men who ought to be supported. I now deal with principles, and would advise the electors to select good men who most nearly approach to the policy laid dowii for the present and future of New Zealand- First, as to what ought to be done now, my views are as follows : — # # #

Bobkowing.— Drop it ; that way ' serfdom ' lies. Pay what we owe, and leave our sons a clean sheet and a good example. If this is to be a great country, it must shake off the foreign money-lender and become self-re-liant. Existing Harbour Board and Municipal loans, if necessary, to be consolidated, under State guarantee ; and such bodies to be prohibited from further borrowing, save from the Government. Those who talk of Repudiation have no more moral principle than a mule, and deserve to be degraded to the level of Egyptian fellaheen, slaving to support foreign bond-holders. # # w

Subsidies to Local Bodies. — These bribes for political support, incentives to extravagance, and aids to jobbery, ought to be stopped at once. The local bodies may borrow to a limited extent from the general Government, but, as a rule, they would be better to raise the money locally before they spend it. # # #

Taxation.— All taxation is abominable, unjust in its incidence, and unnecessary. Customs taxation is the most objectionable of all ; next to it in iniquity come taxes on accumulation, improvement, industry, and ability, such as are Property Tax, Income Tax, &o. Taxation is imposed and upheld by men who themselves exercise a taxing power in the possession of monopolies of land, money, necessaries of life, machinery, &c. These men delight in heavy taxation, as they collect their share, with 50 per cent added, from the producer, artisan, and consumer. Taxation must be abolished, and the land made to do its duty towards the State, without having half-a-dozen profits sweated out of it in the process. Crown rents would very soon produce sufficient to pay the whole costs of Government. What is practical at present is to abolish the Property Tax, without imposing any fresh taxation. A light Land Duty (not a tax) ought to be levied, as a matter of principle — an assertion of the State's right to royalty over the land. The increasing revenue derivable from this source to be applied to the gradual extinction of Customs duties, beginning with those on necessaries of life and those which cramp production, manufacture and commerce.

The Civil Sebvice.— lnstead of the 33 heads of Departments now paid large salaries at Wellington, I should have the country's business managed by 12 good men, who would do the work, and enable a number of sinecurists to be dispensed with. Decentralisation is the best present means of curbing the political influence of Government employees.

Defence. — Keduce our ' army ' from the panic footing to the peace footing. Nobody now believes ' the Booehians ' are coming, or that the police are incapable of

dealing with internal disorder. Avoid Australasian federal defence schemes, which are dodges to involve us in Imperialism, army autocracy, and misohievous expenditure.

Eailways. — To make the best of these huge blunders, they ought to be managed so as to encourage settlement, production and trade along their routes. I approve of the non political control, and would give a trial to Mr Samuel Vaile's system of rates on a distinct section of the railways, under proper guarantee against possible loss. These great highways must neither be sold nor leased. UDder proper management they could soon be made self-supporting, and they ought never to be made agencies for wringing more taxation out of the people.

Educational. — The school age for admission should be raised to six years, and fees should be charged for everything over the fifth standard. To compel education after that standard is detrimental to the best interests of the people. Free or assisted education past the compulsory period being anomalous, unjust and hurtful, all the endowments for secondary and university education ought to be diverted to primary education. It is pure Atkinsonian humbug to say that payments fixed by Act of Parliament cannot be interfered with. Whatever an Act of the Legislature can do another Act can undo Technical education ought to receive attention, but should neither be free nor compulsory. Boards of Education ought to be abolished, and the whole control of school matters vested in School Committees. Financial affairs to be managed by a Department of the General Government. Moral teaching of a definite kind to be enforced at all public sohools. Government grants to be allowed to private schools complying with the requirements of the State.

The Native Question. — This is now almost exclusively a land question. The Maoris are rational, intelligent, and a good deal more law-abiding than some Europeans, On the subject of land ownership there is occasional friction, because of the great divergence between Maori and European tenure. I would, avert this friction by at once abolishing the Native Land Courts, and leaving the Maoris to decide their own titles — selling or leasing their lands only through Government agency. Maori lands to be subject to the same Land Duty as all others. Cease teaching the Maori language at the public expense, and so help on the amalgamation of races and interests.

House of Bepbesentatives. — I would have the number of Members of the House of Representatives reduced to twenty; these to be elected by the whole colony, voting as one constituency, and paid at the rate of £500 per annum. Service to be compulsory upon any resident of the colony who may be elected. Election meetings and canvassing to be prohibited, save through the medium of written or printed matter. # # #

Legislative Council.— As constituted, this abortion ought to be promptly strangled. If a second chamber is deemed at all necessary, it ought to be chosen by the intellect of the colony — not by the Government of the day nor by the owners of property. A special constituency, consisting of clergymen, schoolmasters, editors of newspapers, graduates of universities, etc., might elect a Council of twelve members, to act as a check upon hasty or ill-advised legislation by the Lower House.

The Feanchise.— Sex should be no bar to the rights of citizenship. Our franchise must be extended to embrace women, on exactly the same conditions aB men. A pre requisite is the abolition of electioneering ' touting and spouting,' already referred to. # # #

Land Settlement. — A liberal policy of land settlement will bring permanent prosperity to this country, with its great natural advantages. All sales of Crown land should be stopped, as men are tempted to acquire more acreage than they can use and to pay more than its intrinsic value. Perpetual leasing, on strict conditions as to use, and liberal terms as to rent, will coon cover the land with prosperous settlers. A Bill empowering the re purchase of large estates, and the cutting up of such for settlement purposes, ought to be passed without delay. There are hundreds of thousands

of aores which could be profitably bought, at prosent valuations, for purposes of settlement. State tenants ought to be absolutely exempt from income or land tax — their rent including their contribution to the coßt of general Government.

Labotjb and Capital. — The Eight Hours Bill is a delusion, and its passing would give nopractioal benefit to anybody. In some occupations four hours out of the twenty-four are quite sufficient to work. There ought to be a Trades "Union Bill and a Conciliation Courts Bill introduced at once, so as to prevent a possible repetition of the deplorable ' strike ' of this year. The registration of Trade Unions should b 6 made compulsory, so that the operations of these bodies should have all the force of legal authority, and so that the leaders should act with due deliberation and setise of responsibilty. With this legal status bestowed, the last shred or opposition to Trades Unionism would disappear. In the Conciliation Courts Bill every provision should be made for the amicable settlement of trade differences without appealing to law ; but the Supieme Court should be invested with power to ultimately decide when all other means have failed. lam aho of opinion that every facility should be given for placing businesses of all kinds upon a co operative basis, as a step towards improved social conditions.

Bankbuptcy.— Insolvency laws are necessary under the existing commercial system of savage competition, loose credit, heavy interest, and moneyed monopolies. The proper course is to make honourable composition easy, and to punish most rigorously the individual who commits frauds of any description. To this end, publicity should only be allowed in cases where extravagance, reckless folly, or criminality can be proved against the bankrupt. I should therefore amend the law by making all bankruptcy proceedings private, unIbbs publicity is demanded by the creditors. # # #

Banking.— At very little cost and trouble, the Post Office Savings Bank could be made to issue State Bank notes. Supposing one million pounds sterling to be lodged in these Government Banks, it would be absolutely safe to obtain gold to that amount, keep it in the Government coffers as security, and issue notes to the value of two millions sterling. Money would thus have free circulation, instead of being doled out at extortionate rates by the Banking Companies, and the result would be a great gain to the public. These Government notes would not become depreciated with such a substantial reserve behind them. In fact, 50 per cent, of coin to notes, instead of 15 per cent, as kept by the other banks, would quickly give the Government notes a superior position, and they would be the most reliable paper in circulation. With a State Bank of this kind in existence, the people would cease depositing their money with usurious money-lending concerns, who employ it in exacting heavy toll from the workers of New Zealand, to make profits for foreign shareholders to fatten upon.

Summaky.— These are the reforms which I consider necessary and practicable at the present moment. I£ these were carried out, New Zealand would be placed in a sound position, settlement and industry would go ahead, and the people, relieved of crushing taxation and the unsettling influences of bad legislation, would go on hopefully and triumphantly to far grander reforms which lie in the (I hope not distant) future. # # #

A Policy fob the Future. — This ought to embrace the following points, and as the xe\. resentatives soon to be elected are to hold office for three years, it would be well to give the preference to those men of good moral and political principle who hold sound opinions with regard to these matters : — 1. — The Governor of New Zealand to be elected by the people. 2. — The House of Kepresentatives and Legislative Council to be abolished, and a Supreme Council of twelve, elected annually by the people of New Zealand, to be entrusted with legislative and administrative functions combined. 3. — All new laws, before becoming operative, to be submitted to the popular vote. 4.- Free land, free money, free trade; no taxation on industry, commerce, or the necessaries of life. To

secure these, the State must become the sole landowner and banker, Customs duties and other forms of, taxation must be abolished, and the country must be rid of that, accursed incubus, the foreign creditor. 5.— A1l forests, fisheries, gum, gold and coal deposits to be worked by the Government, or under* Government lease to co-operative concerns. ■ Q — No brewer or distiller to be allowed to own a public-house, or any interest in such. 7. — Inspection of foods, liquors and drugs to be undertaken by Government, and conducted on sound scientific principles for the welfare of the people. 8. — Bankruptcy laws, and laws for the recovery of debt to be totally repealed. 9. — Eailwaysto be freed from debt, and freights and fares fixed so as to cover simply maintenance and running expenses. 10. — The Government to build or purchase a fleet of steamers to oarry imports and exports, interchange between different parts of the country, passengers and letters, at cost price. 11.— Newspapers and books to be carried free by post throughout the colony, subject to the censorship of the Government upon the matter tendered for carriage. 12.— Lunacy, crime and poverty to be treated scientifically and humanely, with a view to their extirpation. If deemed necessary, chronio unfortunates in either of these three classes to l.c prevented from reproducing. 13. — Usury to be strictly controlled by an Act of Parliament, declaring that no undertaking to pay more than 5 per cent, per annum shall be valid. 14. — Gambling, whether in the interests of religion, art, or sport, to be rigidly suppressed. 15. — The Government to collect a percentage on all church collections, admission fees to theatrical, musical, or variety entertainments, athletic and sporting meetingß, &c.

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/TO18901122.2.2.1

Bibliographic details

Observer, Volume X, Issue 621, 22 November 1890, Page 3

Word Count
2,313

The O.M.'s Manifesto. Observer, Volume X, Issue 621, 22 November 1890, Page 3

The O.M.'s Manifesto. Observer, Volume X, Issue 621, 22 November 1890, Page 3

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