THE ANNEXATION QUESTION.

Timaru Herald, Volume XXXIX, Issue 2796, 8 September 1883, Page 3

THE ANNEXATION QUESTION.

The correspondent of the Argus thus summarises the memorandum prepared by Sir F. Dillon Bell on behalf of the Agents-General of the Colonies and presented to Sail Derby :— la justification of the colonial policy the Agents-General of Victoria, New South Waloi, New Zxsland, and Queensland, on July 23rd, forwarded to Lord Derby a statement of the reasons why the colonies desire the annexation of or a protectorate over the Western PaciSo Islands and the eastern portion of New Guinea. Sir Arthur Blyth, acting on instruction! recaiYed from the South Australian Government declined to sign the memorandum, on the ground that it would be improper to urge the Colonial Office, after the statements of Lords Derby and GranrilJe that an understanding existed by whioh England and France were precluded from annnexing the Now Hebrides. The despatch pointed out that during the last 30 years the colonies, one after another, hare pressed npon the Imperial Government the expediency of bringing the islands of the Western Pacific within the dominion or protection of England. The question is infested with a graver aspsot, as the Governments of nearly all the Australian dependencies hitve made united remonstrances against the present intolerable stats of affairs m ths -Pacific, and asked from the Imperial authorities the adoption of some definite policy as a remedy for the existing evils. The fear of foreign intervention has been the immediate cause of this concerted action ; but while the Australasian Governments would receive with a sense of great relief the Imperial assurance that there is no foundation for their fears, still the removal of the apprehension of immediate danger would not change their opinions regarding the necessity for making foreign intervention impossible m the future Besides other powerful reasons for the united colonies urging ths adoption of a different policy from the present, the despatoh proceed* at great length to show that the Western Pacific Orders-in-Council could never be mads adequate to recure an effectual supervision orer the PaciSo without assuming a jurisdiction hitherto forbidden by Act of Parliament. The humane interest shows by the Home Government iv those measures alwayi commanded the respect and sympathy ef the colunies,bu'< as they were practically restricted to British subjects only, and did not embrace the natives of Polynesia, or with few exceptions, the subjects of foreign powers, they were necessarily insufficient to confer the benefits of law and order orer Oceania. Sir Arthur Gordon himself had complained of these defects, but bad been informed that the Government considered that insuperable obstacles existed to any assumption of jurisdiction over other than British subjects. After detailing the serious trouble resulting from the absence of juriidiction over foreigners, and the increasing outrages of the natives, owing to a similar cause, the daipatoh proceeds to examine m detail the remedies suggested by Sir Arthur Gordon and other?, and arrives at the conclmion that even if some of the palliatives proposed were applicable to the smaller groups of islands, they would certainly be utterly aseleu m the cue of New Guinea. Even Sir Arthur Gordon had m 1878, when a great influx of miners vraa expected there, strongly advised that territorial jurisdiction should be assumed by Great Britain, though gold mining on a Urge scale had not occurred. Other events had happened, which irresistibly sustained Sir Arthur Gordon's reasoning The constantly growing trade of the coloniea with the Western Pacific rendered a new policy necessary. The British trade with the islands during the 10 yeurs from 1871 to 1880 amounted to 6} millions. Indeed, the whole trade of the Pncifio was destined to undergo a great change vrhen the Panama Canal was opened. The foresight of France m establishing herself at Tahite, the Marqueias and the Navigator Islands, will then aisume a new importance, while Fiji will constitute the nearest colony of England m the Pacific In appreciating the dangtr of foreign intervention, it would be of material help if the Home Government would giv« the colonies a full statement of what claimi have been made by foreign powers m respect of islands m the Pacific, and the extent to which such claimi have been recognised bj the Imperial authorities. The New Hebrides originally formed part of New Zealand undei the charter of 1840, bnt subsequently a ratbei vague understanding appeared to have been come to with France that they should b< relinquished by Great Britaio, and theii independence recognised. It w»s, however certain that after the Now Hebrides were once included m the boundaries of New Zealand the mere fact of new boundaries being after wards fixed for that colony was sufficient t( make the New Hebrides cease to be a posses sion of the Crown. At any rate, the least tba could be asked was that English and Frenol subjects should be placed on an eqna footing m the New Hebridw. Should thi

agreement between England and France permit the latter to grant to a private com' pai>y to be formed m Now Caledonia rightt similar to those conceded to tbe North 3orneo Company, the colonists could nut feel secure against Fr»nc» suddenly annexing the other islands, linoo that Power hud already interlerod elsewhere. Besides the French Government had introduced a Bill recently for transporting for life to New Caledonia and the Loyalty and Marquesas Islands a greet number of habitual criminals It had been stated m the Ohamber of Deputie« that at lea»t 60,000 could be ssnt to New Caledonia, and 23.000 to the Loyalty Island*. It was calculated that tho first year 5000 would be transported. Tho class to be transported were officially described as dangerous, and steeped m vice, debauchery and crime. These criminals would uot serve any punishment beyond exile, but would bo free on arrival, the object being to rid France of them. The Government would support them at first, and then if they would not work, they must live how they could. The law appointed New Caledonia and its dependencies, and the Marquesas, a« colonies where recidivists would be sent, but it. was openly proposed m the debate to include the New Hebrides, the Loyalty Isles, and the Icie of Pines. M. Richard Woddington had expressed hit opinion that th» French title to tho New Hebrides was good, and their dug might be soon hoisted there. Another member hud said that the New Hebrides would be seized as compensation for New Guinea. It wnsestimnted that m the ftr»t four years 20,000 convicts wnld be sent out. Tbe Chamber hart passed the Bill without including the New Hebrides, but the Senate had not yet approved of it. The colonial Governments thought that the jcherne of making tbe Pacific Islands a receptacle for the dangerous classes of France should not receive aven tbe tacit acquiescence of England. Australia and New Zealand could not hear with patience of such a law being passed, and the colonies felt that, there was gome cause for apprehension. Germany, too, might desire to extend ber influence m the Pacific An attempt was made, m 1880 with respect to the Navigntors Group, and might be renewed. It was therefore desirable that tbe British Government should obtain from Prince Bismarck a moit deSoite assurance that Germany did not contemplate such a policy, which would vitally affect Australia. It wa» desirable also to settle- more dearly the extent to which the independence of the chiefs m tbe various islands should bo recognised, and their right to conclude treaties with a foreign power. If it were admitted that tho Western Paoifio orders could never be made adequate, and that the fear of foreign intervention was not unwarranted, it resulted that the time had come when complete jurisdiction ought to be assumed by England over the Weitern Pacific as the only means of meeting the difficulties which beset alike the Imperial and Colonial Governments, and of averting evils which threatened the loyal British subjects m that region. The same impelling power, not of desires, but of events which had compelled the annexation of Fiji was still constantly at work with respect to the rest of tbe Western Pacific. Burely the British Government would not inflict upon Australia the hard necessity of waiting until New Guinea, and perhaps the other islands, became Alsatias as dangerous as F'ji once was —scourges to the peaceable subjects of the Queen, and a disgraoe to civilisation. It wns vain to think that the trade and intercourse between Australia and New Zealand, and the islands could be suppressed. The settlement both of English and foreigners was spreading m Ofery direction, yet of safety for life and property there was none. An international convention would not meet the difficulty, as ir, could only extend to Uio nationalities concerned, and not embrace the natives, unless there was a dominion over them us extensive as that involved m the adopting of the colonial policy. A convention would involve the admission of foreign Powers possessed of equal rightt and the exercise of dominion ever the natives, against which every coloi i-t would strongly remonstrate. Tho case of New Guinea was very pressing, because whatever powers are conferred upon tho High Commissioner, they must he exercised even lens there than m the other islands. It wa« really indispensable not only that. Torres Straits should be free to navigation, but there should be no risk of foreign Powers establishing a naval station there. Irregular settlement on the Now Guinea coast was already proceeding, and there was imminent danger of the evils formerly existing at Fiji repeating triemaelves on a larger scale, to the injury of Queensland. If the Imperial Government, fearing responsibility, determines not to accept full jurisdiction over tho unannexed porti.m of New Guinea, surely their objections wou'd not apply against establishing law and order along the coast where settlement is now extending. Without any Act of Parliament a jurisdiction could be assumed over the southern fringes of tbe island, as when the islands m the Torres Straits were annexed the colonies were loyally endeavoring to provide for tbeir defence, and bad therefore a right to ask the Imperial Government not to rendor thoir task more difficult by exposing them to the creation of foreign fortified naval stations m the Paciflo, which would change the existing condition of affairs m that ocean. The colonial Governments viewed with the greatest satisfaction Lord Derby's invitation to cooperate with the Imperial authority. With regard to the Pacific question, there were immediate ways m which the colonies could co-operate by contributing the cost of tbeir polioy, and by placing themselves m a position to act m union with each other and m concert with the Home Government. As regards the first, no difference of opinion existed. Victoria had already expressed her willingness to share the cost ef tho polioy. It was now urged that Queensland was also ready, and that the other colonies would do their part. Before permanent appropriations could be made it was necessary that the colonies should know the amount which tho Imperial authorities require to bo provided. As regards concerted action that involved the large question of federation, on which the colonies had not made up tbeir mind, and it was one of too grave moment to be decided even under the sway of the strong feelings which now existed respecting tho policy that might be pursued m tho Western Pacific. There was nothing to prevent immediate concerted action with the Imperial Government for that particular purpose, and tbe colonial Governments might justly be required to enter into joint engagements for the performance and stability of that policy, as the colonies could not imagine that Lord Derby had invited them 'to co-ope-ration which would be barren of results. They felt assured that if they passed the requisite appropriations and combined for that concert with the Imperial Government, which is necessary to reader the policy a suoeese, they might rely upon effect being given to the wishes they bad cheriebod for more than SO years. In urging their wishes they had not come as suppliants for some light favor, but as Englishmen to whom their cnuntry had given a great destiny, which must be kept from harm. Desiring no new territories for themselves, but asking that the Queen's subjocts may enjoy tbe blessings of peaco and order, where now the law has no terrors for any evildoer, and not seeking by a selfish policy to set new burdens on the English taxpayer, but willing themselves to bear the cost and welcoming with gladness an invitation to be associated with ths Imperial Government m a work which must assuredly be done one day and can asoertainly be best done. now.