The Timaru Herald. TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 3, 1878.

Timaru Herald, Volume XXIX, Issue 1234, 3 September 1878, Page 2

The Timaru Herald. TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 3, 1878.

The fact is beyond dispute that, whereever the materials for snceessful Government existed at all, the Provincial system of government was favorable lo the growth of settlement, and to the development of most of the institutions which tend to the happiness and prosperity of the people. That that system has grave defects, is, we think, equally beyond dispute; ttie greatest of all, perhaps, being its antagonism to anything like a national spirit m the country, and its tendency to cause irreconcileable dissentions m the colonial councils. Now that some time has passed over since the provinces were abolished, we are too apt to forget how strong the causes were which impelled the Legislature to that course ; and are too much disposed to recollect only the good points of Provincialism. While, therefore, maintaining the proposition with which we opened these remarks, and insisting upon it as a groundwork on which to rest arguments presently to be adduced, we vet adhere to the opinion at which we arrived upon the most mature consideration m 1875, namely, that it was absolutely necessary to abolish the provinces. The very fact, however, that the system, whether perfectly or not, did encourage settlement, and foster the prosperity and contentment of the people, rendered it the primary: duty of the Legislature to establish a new system at least equally competent with that which they abolished, to achieve those objects. If they were not prepared to undertake and thoroughly to acquit themselves of that duty, then we say that the abolition of the provinces was a wholesale invasion of the rights of the people, and a cruel wrong to the community at large. The sole condition on which abolition was justifiable, uo matter how urgently demanded by circumstances, was that due provision should be ramie for the performance of all public functions at lesst as efficiently as they had previously been performed by the provinces. This was fully admitted at the time by the Government, and the parly who invited the Legislature to undertake Abolition ; and it was only upon their pledges that no interests should suffer by the change, that many Members consented to it. How those pledges were fulfilled, let the history of the past three years testify. Wit-J the exception of education, it may be suid that none of the public functions formerly performed by the provinces have been provided for at all. The Abolitionists having completed their work of destruction, stayed their hand. They never made any honest effort at reconstruction. Sir Julius Vo^gl, truly, threw on the table of the House his trumpery County scheme, and left it to be pulled to pieces as the chances of party conflict might decide. Ofl him, undoubtedly, rests the chief blame of all the evil consequences which have ensued or may ensue from Abolition. He broke up for his own selfish ends, the old constitution, which however faultily, didanswer the purpose of government; and then, having thrown everything into confusion, left the country to shelter himself m a snug appointment, without movinsy hand or foot to set things straight airain. It is impossible to exonerate Mr Stafford from a sham of this blame. Except that he had no ends of his own to serve, ond did what ho did from purely unselfish motives, he is equally blameable with the other for the ruinous fiasco of Abolition. He urged it forward by the exercise of all his talents and influence; and without him it could never have taken place. Yet, after it was achieved, and when the detection of its avowed author virtually left the whole responsibility of it upon bin:, he too neglected altogether to acquit himself of bis duty to the country. He set up a puppet-povernnient without strength or prestige, whose avowed principle was that of dolce far niente. Had lip, as soon as he found that Sir Julius Yogel had made up his mind to decamp, firmly assumed the reins of power, and addressed himself conscientiously to the task of providing for the whole colony local institutions more liberal and more popular than those which had been abolished, the state of things to-day would indeed have been different from what ie is. He would have earned for himself an undying name m the history of the couatry, and would have conferred upon the people incalculable advantages. But nothing of the kind occurred. At the very moment when a strong government with definite objects and a resolute grasp alone could suffice to encounter successfully the difficulties of the situation, we saw succeed to Sir Julius Vogel's enfeebled rule, the weakest Ministry, perhaps, that our Parliament has ever produced. Everything was m the wildest confusion.

Abolition was half-done, the provinces were halt-destroyed, important services i were unprovided for, institutions dear i to the people and essential to their ; welfare were dislocated, the primary elements of government were undefined. Yet, m the midst of all this anarchy, when the most strenuous activity was demanded, to educe order out of chaos, the Ministry folded their hands before them and talked of " political rest ! " Even then it was not too late for Mr Stafford to take the head of affairs and do all that needed to be done. There were m the House a party who were numerous enough and unanimous enough to put him into office and keep him there for years, while he carried out with vigor and completeness, the measures which were required to make Abolilion an unqualified success. Knowing how strong his sense of public duty was, and knowing also how sincerely attached to New Zealand he wae, it has always been inexplicable to us that, m such a juncture, tae could reconcile it to his conscience to do as he did. Tha', however, is no longer worth discussing, ami we hasten to bring our review of past events up to the point where they bear on the immediate present. The Legislature had no altflrnative but to chasser the Atkinson Ministry and to admit to , power those who were avowedly opposed to abolition, and irate at its having been achieved m spite of them. Nothing can be more dangerous than to entrust the administration of a policy to a party who are averse from it. Yet that is precisely what was done last year, and what, as we have seen, it was next to impossible to avoid doing. The Abolitionists, after having effected the first part of their object, showed themselves unmistakably incapable of proceeding farther. Yet the country had to be governed, and, as the Abolitionists could not, or would not govern it, it was unavoidable that the Provincialises should have an opportunity of doing so. There was but one possible outlet from this position, and that, as matters turned out, was impracticable. Had the Middle Party last year remained united, they would havo been strong enough to insist on the formation of a Ministry bent on completing Abolition, and placing all the institutions of the country on h definite and satisfactory basis. They did not remain united, however. On the contrary, they split fatally at the most critical moment, and virtually left the whole field of power open to the nnti-Abolition party. When Sir George Grey and his friends came into office, they affected, as was natural to men m their position, extreme moderation. They declared that they accepted the position us they found it, and that they would loyally endeavor to work out existing institutions to the best of their ability. Had they honestly tried to keep those promises, there is no reason to suppose that thoy would have been unsuccessful. We admit that the task must havo been a difficult and distasteful one. The Ministers, with one or two exceptions, were Provincialists and Soparationists of the extreme type, and it could only have been by a strenuous effort of magnanimit}' and public spirit, that they could have addressed themselves sincerely to the work of establishing national and local Government. They certainly had an opportunity such as rarely falls to the lot of any men, of displaying those great qualities of statesmen ; and we were induced to believe at tha tims that they had the greatness of mind to take advantage of it. The Premier, however, is not really a great minded man. He is exceedingly intellectual, and is capable of vast breudth of view m any matter where his intellect alone is called into exercise. But he is also singularly liable to be swayed from the highest purposes by petty passions. He always brings to our mind the story of the little prince at whose birth all the fairies attended with good gifts, except one wicked fairy who, not being invited, came without an invitation, and endowed the child with a bad gift, which throughout his whola life dashed the inflaence of all the rest. Sir George Grey has many splendid qualities and powere , but he has also a spirit of malice and mischief which too often perverts all his talents into wrong, unworthy courses. He is incapable of any great action when the temptation to wreak a grudge lures him from it. It would have been o great action on his part to gather together the disjecta membra of political antagonists' half succpssful policy, and to shape them by his ability and power into a strong and lasting constitution for the country which he professes to love so much. But m order to do that, he must havo thrown aside long-cherished enmities while he had the power m his hands to gratify them ; he must have denied himself the sweetness of revenge; and must, moreover, have adopted the Christian precept of doing good to those who had despitefully used him. It was not m him, and we verily believe that he would have died rather than do it. The course lie took was the obvious one fora Minister to take who, hating- the institutions wish which he had to work, jet pould not afford to risk his position by destroying them at once. The whole policy of his Administration has been one of energetic inaction. By carefully abstaining from doing anything to repair the muddles of their predecessors, the Government have undoubtedly aggravated them enormously. Wherever an opportunity occurred for making the County system work smoothly, they havo overlooked or deliberately marred it; while they have endeavored by every possible means to burlesque the undefined Dowers of Counties, by forcing upon them all sorls of functions which are really foreign to them. They have persistently refused to afford any facilities for local administration, whilst at the same time putting the utmost strain upon local resources. In the meantime they are neglecting the central administration of local affairs. Every request for

attention to any local matter is met by h blank refusal, or by a semi-satirical reference to some local body. The * argument is tbat the Counties Act was c devised m order to enable the people to ' work out their own destiny, and that 1 the Government are not going to m- j terfere with that process. They hope, ; m fact, by keeping the country m a - state of miserable suspense and disorganisation for a year or two longer, to make a revivalism of Provincialism, ia one form or aaotber, welcome. If it is to come, we say the sooner it comas the better. There is, m our opinion, only one form m which it would be tolerated, even as a means of escape from the existing state of things; we mean that of Insular Separation. We can easily conceive of a form of Government, somewhat akin to Provincialism without legislative powers, which might manage the affairs of each island very fairly, and which would unquestionably obviate many of the evils which are at present so pregnant of discontent. The incapacity of the General Assembly to deal satisfactorily with a great many subjects, the treatment of which devolved upon them alter Abolition, is becoming more and more apparent every session. The Members from one poriion of the Colony are quite unable ; to understand the local requirements of | other portions; and this general misunderstanding, which the Government are at no pains to clear up, is m the highest degree prejudicial to the interests of all alike. If, on the other hand, all local matters were left at the disposal of local bodies, with large executive powers, the Colonial Parliament would be relieved of a huge mass of most troublesome business, and would he m a greatly improved position for dealing with questions of purely Colonial concern. It is not woith while here to enter into particulars as to the precise functions which would properly belong to the insular Councils and the federal Council respectively. It is sufficient for the present to point out how the policy of Abolition has been utterly spoilt by its incompleteness, and how absolutely necessary it is that some further change should take place, even if it is m a somewhat retrograde direction.