SIR GEORGE GREY'S ADDRESS.

Thames Advertiser, Volume IX, Issue 2475, 20 November 1876, Page 3

SIR GEORGE GREY'S ADDRESS.

; According to arrangement, a public meeting was held at the Theatre Uoyal in the evening, for the purpose of hearing , Sir George Grey address his constituents, and long before the time appointed the ! building was crowded to excess. A large , number, .including tho Reception Committee, assembled on tho stage. Upon Sir George Grey's arrival he was greeted with loud enthusiastic cheers, and when these had been acknowledged and i subsided, Mr 11. McDonald moved and Mr C. Hart seconded a motion that Dr Kilgour take the chair. The 'Uhaibjun said that it was unnecessary to tell them that ho need not introduce Hr George Grey to a New Zealand auo'ienee, or pass any eulogium on hira. Ho had filled a large space in the history of New Zealand as representative of her Majesty, and more recently as representative of this constituency iu the House of Assembly, and his name was now a household word. (Cheers.) They would doubtless agree with him that to dwell at. any length on his career would be unnecessary, but apart from the pleasure which they would derive from listening to him speak, much good must arise from this mode of communication between members and constituents, for he held that tho political education of the people was a most important object, and as the speaker would address them, with the weight of age and experience, he would now invite Sir George Grey to address the meeting. (Cheers.) Sis Gbobge Gbey, on advancing to the front, was again received with enthusiastic cheers. He said: — Mr Chairman and gentlemen, - It is with great pleasure I avail myself of this opportunity to address those who have done me tho honour to elect me as their representative. (Cheers) Now before I proceed, let us consider our relative positions. You have chosen me as your representative. What does that mean P It meant that the whole of us were engaged in a great undertaking, and may be but little conscious of what future ages would think of the conduct of those engaged in founding a great country. We have to build up this country under great difficulties. Two races were brought into contact. That of itself presented a great difficulty, and then the country from its nature, being mountainous and covered with dense forests, presented another great difficulty, and altogether wo are engaged in Ihe heroic work of building up a new nation and a new country in the face of those difficulties I have spoken of. (Cheers.) In this task you have chosen mo as your representative-your leader. You are not an army, disciplined to obey, but I must convince you by reason that I am doing that which is right, (Cheers.) I wish for no blind assent. I wish an intelligent assent to the steps which I havo faken, not only to promote my own and you! happiness, but the welfare and happiness of the whole country. I suppose no one is without an ambition to leave the world bettor than he found it. No one is so selfish or base as to wish otherwise. (Cheers) Now, I am for the present, the man to lead you in those efforts, and it is right that I should express to you my views, and tell you what I havo done and what I propone to do, and to know that the majority of the constituency will back me up, and say— wo wish to have this douo, and ualess you convince me of that, it is your duty to get some other leader. (Cheers) Now, in the first place, you know you paid me ihe compliment of electing me as your representative without a canvas and without a single pledge. Well, that generosity was not lost sight of by me, and I endeavoured so to conduct myself as to reflect credit on myself and iu a manner worthy of this great constitu-ency—(cheers)-for it is one of the largest constituencies in New Zealand, and would be considered a great consti--1 tuency, not only in this, but in any colony, and would render any man in tho mother country proud to be the representative of such a constituency. (Cheers.) First, then, as to the genoral line of conduct which I pursued. If you consult tho pages of Hansard (for there is no fair report of the proceedings published in the Wellington newspapers) you will there find every word I uttered and everything I did. I started on this plan, following tho view which I believed to be right, to hold no private intercourse with the Ministry, and have nothing to do with back-stairs influence-(cheers)—that I would not lower myself nor my constituents by asking a favour for them, for I never asked for anything for them but what was their right in the full persuasion that it was so, and I did this openly in Parliament, so that every man might know what I did. I had a pride in you, and asked for nothing but what you were entitled to. I should know that I could have got no favour for you but by robbing someone else, and I am sure you would not desire that. His rights were what every man should demand, he should take nothing but what was his own, or what he could only get justly. (Cheers.) £ou, therefore, see my whole conduct was transparent to you—you know what passed between me and the Government. Having told you what my general plan was, I shall now allude to what I did ask for. First, for the furtherance of your local interests, and next for tho interest of all the people of New Zealand. In tho first place there was an object which lay very near my heart, which was a railway to connect the Thames with the Upper Waikato district. (Cheers, and a voice " When you were quite euro you could not get it through.") The Government had a report made on tho project by a competent man, and that roport pointed out that the number of inhabitants of the districts through which this railway would pass and which it would connect was greater than tho population of Hawke's Day or Taranaki, and further, 1 might freely say, capable of supporting a nation with food and produce. (Cheers.) Tho report (hen went on to show that tho railway would open fertile tracts of land, and securo at tho sarno time the future peaoe of tho country. To me itseemed incredible thatany obstruction should be thrown in tho way of this project. I foolishly conceived that every effort would bo made to assist it, as it was to be done iu a way which would entail no exponse. A company would be formed to construct the railway, the estimated cost of which was comparatively trifling, being under £300,000, and the Government were only asked to guarantco 6 per cent, on tho cost. To pay that there would be first the profits from the railway itself, and secondly a rate levied on those lands which were benefited by the railway, and failing those sources being insufficient, the balance would become a charge on the general revenue. Now I am quite ccrtaiu no demand would be made on tho general revenue' The six per coat, would havo been raised without it, and tho total interest of £15,000, it certainly would not exccod £18,000 a year, would have been finally mot by tho first two

sources, and would therefore bo no burden on the general revenue. But every effort was made to thwart it. I was surprised to hear llio Speaker say it was a private bill. That was a malicious suggestion, but it showed the hostility it met with, The result was that by a bit of parliamentary manoeuvring the bill was determined to be what they called a money bill, which could not bo introduced without uotice, and to my horror it was taken from tho top and put on tho bottom of tho list, there being twenty-four others placed above it. This filled me with despair, but after a few days the thought occurred to mo that if I could get the members connected with the tweuty-four other bills to givo way, I might get my motion lo the top of the list once more. I made a.persoual request to each of those members, and not to make a long speech, they did give way. I said nothing about what I had done, but suddenly next day got up and proposed that notices 1 to 2<l be suspended, in order that 25 might be put. This created consternation in the Government benches, which was further increased when they found that the other mombers had given way, aud so the railway came to the top once more. (Cheers.) I thought I was quite sure of it then, and proposed a motion that the flouso resolve itself into a committee of the whole to consider this money bill which was introduced. The House consented, and I then gave notice for the second reading, but I chose an unlucky day, and so the thing went on until nearly the close of the session, when it came tot-he top again, and I moved its second reading. Up jumped a and said that any bill which beeamo a chargo on tho revenue could not be introduced without the consent of tho Governor. But I said the Governor has always given his consent (o such measures, or rather his Ministers have done it for him. I expected the Premier now to give tho Governor s assent to its introduction, but tho Premier refused, and so that was the end of it for that session. I hope only for that session, and that next session wo shall have a Premier who will give the Governor's assent. (Cheers.) That was the fate of one measure which I proposed for the prosperity of this place; but I feel that, unless we get a Ministry iu who shall not seek to acquire lauds for themselves or their friends, I don't think we shall get the railway next year, and not until all tho moßt valuable lands which would bo • opened up by the railway havo been secured will they let the railway go through. (Cheers.) I now tell you on that point that I believe that in reference to tho lands of value iu this district, wo are shamefully treated. I told you just now that I believed that there was not one of us but desired to leave the world bettor than we found it, and I believe there is no better way of doing this than to cultivate the wild lands, to bring my family and children to a homo made by my own hands, and those who grasp the lands and thus prevent us from carrying out this object are enemies of the whole human race. (Cheers.) In pursuit of their selfish desire to acquire, these men who get largo tracts of land in that way are the enemies of the country. And it was so absolutely unnecessary, "for there are abundant ways in which they could invest their capital. They can invest in Now Zealand securities - (laughter) or in the British funds, or in bank shares, or in mining speculations. (Cheers,) In fact, there are thousands of ways, but those men who shut up largo tracts of country in ordor to leave them to their heirs, force men to leave the country, and force men not to marry who were inclined to follow that course, and so they were enemies to the country. (Cheers.) In order that you may more distinctly follow me, don't you imagine if I get landed property I shut you and youf children out, aud I intend to acquire political power and form a governing class, so that the great masses of the people may be subservient for ever. Don't say that these are the mere assertions of an enthusiast. What is being dono under tho county system? One man with so much property has one vote, and another man with a greater amount of property has five votes, and it is possible that by acquiring property in all tho ridings into which the county was divided one man might havo forty-fivo men's power to elect a County Council and a chairman, and to impose rates on you, and those aro the people who will have to expend tho money. Is that right? (Yes! no.) Of courso this would create two classes. One class would say keep down the masses, they are not fit to < govern; but another class, amongst whom . is myself, say educate tho masses. For conturies they had been in debasement, and are we in a new eountry to follow i the samo system? Political knowledge is ] next to religious knowledge, in fact, I do j not know that it is not part of religious knowledge, for it teaches the practical means lo carry religion into effect. All men should respect their fellows, and no man should proudly and vainly arrogate to himself the right to look down with contempt on his fellows, (Cheers.) Now that is what is being done in beginning i this new system, and the first step leads i to future ones, and what began in evil i would be followed by worse, and at the I beginning it should be resisted. The ex- i cuse is that rates have to be levied, aud if i they allowed mon who possess property of i low value they would be careless, but my I answer to that is the rates are expended 1 in the district, and what right havo those j who possess larger property to levy higher ! rates on you? But I say oducate the i people iu political knowledge and it is < impossible for one class to injure another ' without injury to the whole, and with 1 proper instruction you may rely ou it i there will be no desire to inflict injury on ' a district in which their property exists. I To say such a thing as that and to give < au unfair power of voting to one class is ! to say tho masses of the people of New I Zealand are not of us. My own belief is i I should havo your authority and consent 1 to mako au effort that every individual i in tho district or country should havo i an equal right of voting. (Uheers.) If the 1 rich man fears that he will bo rated too i highly, let him sell out and put his i money iu Now Zealaud securities, or iu i bank shares, or in any other investment, i and by employing his money in this way i ho would not placo men in inferior posi- ; tions. Why should one man walk about i with tho power of '15 men in his pocket ? Is land everything, and is lifo nothing? Why should not a man with a large family of children be able to securo their i education and welfare; and is it of more consequence that others should acquire monstrous properties? (Cheers.) I tell : you that on this point I feel very strongly. : In my youth my heart sickeuod at the i misery which prevailed amongst ihe 1 masses in England, and some of you must i havo witnessed such. The poor ploughman toiling hard in wet and misery, and all his lifo half fed, and tho misery which i prevailed amongst the rnassos in the ' largo towns, I believe that in these lands it is possible to found institutions which would bo free from this, and any man with j such aspirations must sicken to sco in- ,

stitmions worse by far introduced, (Interruption, and a voice from the stage, " Put him out like a dog.") ' Now we will just pass to other local points, Tho next point to which I directed myself was education, and I believe that for the prosent fair provision has been made. I pointed out to the Government the inadequate allowance which had been made for educational purposes in the North as compared with other places ; but I allowed the ostimatcs to pass, for I saw that provision had been made for tho other provinces, and _ my plan was to socuro for them this provision, and then draw attention to tho fact that similar provision had not been made for the North, and tho moment I pointed it out, they did what I asked, and if there is a deficiency in the provision for education I am responsible for it. (Cheers.) Then I also found that in respect of gaols there was nocla?sificatiou even in respect of diet, and tho salaries were too low to get fitting men for the offices, and I saw that the same inequality as in educational matters existed between the North and South Islauds. I brought the matter' before the Assembly, and Ihey made ample provision. I found that tho lunatic asylums were in a deplorable condition as compared with those of the South, for I visited those establishments iu the South. I found that "the patients in our asylums had not- that change of diet which their mental state required, and their clothing was insufficient, and tho exercise yards in a shameful and shockiug condition. A great contrast was presented. I followed the same plan, and it may be a satisfaction to you to know that you have been the means of changing that state of things. (Cheers.) Other points of local interest connected with your borough and district were taken up and carried through. Then I made every effort to procure lands for settlement for you, but in that I absolutely failed. There is so strong a party interested in acquiring lands by indirect means for a favoured few that it is difficult to destroy the system for the present. I know of no way but the absolute sleeping away of tho Native Department (loud cheering), and until that is done you will get no justice in reference to these lands, aud before that is accomplished the lands will have passed into tho hands of those who have no right to them, The j evil is difficult to grapple with, but you can put ou a land lax, change the incidence of taxation, and put tho burden | on the right shoulders, 'lhat was the first thing to be accomplished, aud if the landholders then object to their taxation, thoy might get rid of their surplus laud, and I think something might ho done iu that way. (Cheers,) Now, there arc one or two main questions, and upon thoso I wish to take counsel with you. I shall no doubt render myself unpopular with a party by taking counsel with you. Tho outcry is, that we are representatives, not delegates, that the people havo choscn us to represent them, and we shall do what we liko. We shall never be in tho position of mere delegates, and the utmost contempt is expressed for tho mame of delegate. (Cheers) I am not your delegate, but your representative, but I shall let you know what I thick is best for your interests Having a vote in the Assembly, I possess a great power iu regard to making the laws under which you are governed and the taxation of tho country. Iu what way did I get this power ? It was by no heaven-born privilege. I had no right to it except thahvhich was conferred by yourselves; Therefore, are you justified iu asking me how I used tho power which you have conferred upon me, and how I meau to use it in tho future, and you must understand at least tho goneral principles by which I mean to be guided, and if you don't think those right you must go any and get auother man who will represent you rightly. If you don't think I will use the power you confer upon mo rightly, I won't do what I think wrong to please you, but I propose to let you know what I think ou goneral questions. In the first place, then, as this is a gold-mining community, 1 shall first refer to the gold duty. Thorc I almost stood alone. In pursuance of the great principle that I was exercising your powers I acted. A committee was appojutod which was called the gold committee, aud this committee was to make recommendations to the Assembly, and I was put in this difficult position. Tho Ministers had repoatedly asked _mo not to oppose the gold duty, but I said I shall do no such thing. I knew I should be out-voted on the committee for all were in favour of a reduction of 3d or 6d, and tho reports which would be sent up to the Assembly would appear to have my authority, and as I don't believe tho people of the Thames would like the power which I derive from them to be swamped, I said I will get up in the House to speak what I think. (Cheers.) I thought that somo of the mombers of that committee were party men and friends of the Government, and would work to promote their views, so I said I would speak out in the House, and I never went to the committee. I stuck to my own view that it ought to be done away with. (Cheers.) I should like you to consider whether I was right. In tho first place I said you are going to set up a most admirable system iu which every one shall govern himself. You are going to divide the country into counties, upou which you confer absolute powers of selfgovernment. I looked into the County Bill and saw that it cramped and confined all action, even of' the road boards, and everything had to be sent to Wellington, They wore angry with me when I said this, but in conclusion I said my answer is you say thero shall be no taxes but what we impose ourselves, and if you mean that take off the gold duty, They said, No; we don't mean it in that light. ( heew.) But I said was over such a thing heard of before ? You hand over tho Thames to a county, and you say the gold duty must bo left on. Let them put it on themselves if they liko it (cheers); aud if it is so right aud so just as you say it is, they will put it on'immediately. But they said " No they wont." Then I said why don't you put a duty on shoes or other industries, but why hand over tho mining community already taxed to a county ? (Cheers,) My own belief is they should put us iu tho same position as tho rest of the counties, not to have ono portion of the community taxed under a law of the Genoral Assembly. But another reason why I opposed tho retention .of tho gold duty was, it tended to preveut mining being carried ou. Somo miaes might bo worked at a small profit-such a profit, for instance, as tho gold duty would apiount to-and what could bo more disastrous than to shut up those mines. Then they said I was perfectly ignorant of tho incidence of taxation; that it was the banks paid the gold duty. But when I. said that the banks deducted tho gold, duty before paying for the gold, they said that was all bosh, that the miners never thought of that. Auother argument they used was that the gold duty would be a great endowment to tho towns, but I said you don't help tho towns, Noffj fancy,

ivouM the miners keep this money saved from the gold duty in their pockets? It would be expended, and a larger amount of employment would be afforded by keeping those mines going. (Cheers ) Nothing is so wrong as a tax which struck at the root of an industry. I was told that I was going in for popularity, but I said it has not helped me yet. I have not been able topurchaso support, and all that helped me was the conviction that I was doing right, and I therefore thought that they were going in for popularity, aud for to gain political support. So we ought lo determine that the gold duty should be done away with, It was plain that if it was to be reduced at the rate of threepence of sixpence a year it wrong, and why not do with it altogether ? If it was a bad thing why do away with it by degrees ? A man with a fever got well as sonn as he could, he did not get well by degrees; aud I tell you further, that if you try to get rid of it by degrees you will never get rid of it at all. Get rid of it altogether or not at all, and my opinion is that we should leave no stone unturned fo get rid of the gold duty altogether. (Cheers.) And while upon the subject of tflxalion I will say that you ought to insist that the incidence of taxation should be changed so that it should fall upon tho shoulders of those who derived most benefit from its expenditure. If a man derived a revenue of £40,000, or even £20,000, and taxation fell equally on the community, the children of tho rich and poor used nearly the same quantity of food and clothes. The result is the poor man has no advantage beyond the wealthy man, for ho pays the same or more for what he requires. Then the poor man might drink spirits, which is further taxed. I never drink spirits myself, so that I keep my share of the taxes on that in my pocket, but perhaps by the price which they lay upon spirits they make men look upon it and drink it as a luxury. I say make men like myself pay. Here I am a resident in Now Zealand, but I have to pay an income tax in England, and why not those landowners of New Zealand resident in England pay an income tax here ? I don't object to pay income tax in England for the benefits I derive, but they also should pay fairly for the benefits which they derive here. Those are the general principles of taxation which I hold; and an additional reason is, suppose you get a railroad made; and suppose that, like the others, tho cost was paid from general revenue-I look round amongst you-would any of you have been benefited £80,000 or £100,000 from the land through which it passed? Then, why be taxed to the same amount as those who are so benefited ? There is nothing more monstrous. Those landed proprietors ought to pay for the railway, and not our children in taxes on their sugar plums, or on our wives' tea. It was not paid so in England, (Cheers.) Exceptional taxes ought to bo got rid of, and those who were getting the benefits ought to pay for them now and for all time My advice is,-that eaeh should be made to pay fairly. That mixed up with other questions. You have all heard of thoso sheep runs. Well, every one of you aro interested ia those. The origin of these was, that gentlemen took up these runs for 21 years' lease. They were taken up on the example of Australia; but there was no aualogy between the countries. In Australia there was mostly bad laud iu those runs, but in Row Zealand there were grass lands, These lauds belonged fo the public, aud were not sold or invested. Well, I devoted somo attention to this question, and believed it was in our power to get these leases broken up, and that there was nothing to prevent us from getting those runs to give an in-, creased income. A run occupied by 20 sheep to the acre could support hundreds, if improved, I thought when tho law allowed those men to occupy tho land for their own benefit that it was not too much to expect that tho public should derive some benefit from those runs. To my consternation, I found that thero was a conspiracy be* ttveen the Government and the runholders that tho runs should not be brokon up, but that Government valuators should assess tho rent to be charged after tho year 1880, and the runholders have a further fourteen years' lease of their privilege. If they did not take their runs at the increased assessment tho land would be put up lo auction. That would seoure the runs to tho ruuholders until 1891, and I was filled with consternation when I heard it. It is incredible that any Government at the end of a session should have introduced such a law. Honestly it ought to have been brought forward before the election, so that they might return representatives pledged to vote on either side. Myself and my friends told them we should oppose them Hard words were used,, and I told them that if my friends came into power we could not pass a law of the kind. I observed that when the vote was taken aud we went into the lobby tho Government said that if the vote was carried against them they would go. out of office, and then some of those who went into the lobby with us went to the other lobby, and I am certain that they voted against their own consciences. But they felt a difficulty, members who were not runholders themselves but were returned by the runholdors'influence, could not vote to turn out the Government by which the runholders' interests wore uphold. Au unfair influence was thus brought to bear, but until this question was settled thero would bo a great difficulty iu dislodging the present Ministry, for until 18Mi these gentlemen will not hesitate to secure the interests of the runholders. They will never consent, so long as they can prevent it, that those runs should bo sold or split up. 1 think when these gentlemen have been allowed 21 years they can't complain if tho public come in and claiming the sums which they aro entitled to. (Cheers) So far as regards the public lands, I interfered to get a law established that on the expiration of the leases the lands contained in the runs should bo thrown open to all. I now come to the question of separation, (Cheers.) You all kuDW that I tried to get separation aud federation of the two islands, not separation only, hut separation and federation, and every ono knows that the greatest countries iu tho world aro now so unitod, and why not Now Zealand ? Picture to yourselves: suppose tho North Island was established as a separate colony with a federated seat of goverment iu Wellington, and Aucklaud with a seat of government of its own to exercise its own legislative functions and powers, could those unholy dabblings in native lands havo been gone on with by residents in the Middle island? If you had a parliament, for instance, like that in Melbourne and sittiug near you, you could obsorve what was going on, and attend to your own interests; but now you have no chance to get wrongs redressed in Wellington. Can you afford to go thero and wait and pay tho oxpensos of bringing

your witnesses with you, and if it turns out that you are wronged your costs are nerer repaid, but if you had your parliament close by you weuld be able to watch over your interests, and the proceedings connected with them, at a small cost. What chance have' you bore to know the law? There is no press in Wellington as iti London to report the proceedings of Parliament, and for myself I confess that although I have been in attendance all the time I canuot now even romcmbfr the names of the most important bills passed last session, If you had Parliament sitting nearer you you would be able to interfere, and tho gold duty would not be in existence. This would have been said in every other district, and the sunis paid by the minor should go to the local bodies. Put, I say, this district on the same fooling as others (Oheers) I don't know, but I think it is clear the Government ought to pay the amount received for miners' rights to the local bodies. Look at the sums it has taken to make up that capital at Wellington. In ail my life I never saw such allowances for such buildings. Why do you pay this ? Another thing, you are not fairly represented. Why you are governed by Taranaki, Marlborough, and Hawke's Bay, who by clubbing together can carry anything in the House, Then in the Upper House there are seven members resident in Wellington, and this large and important constituency has, I believe, not got one. (Oheers, and a voice "Billy Eowe.") Mr Jiowe is not in the Upper House yet. I don't believe more than one of those seven resident at Wellington was ever at the Thames.: Then why put it into their power to modify any law? What Heaven-born power or right have they to dictate to communities? One could imagine a Wellington, a Nelson, or another great man elovated to the Upper Houso in Great Britain, but why at tho will of Ministers in New Zealand their friends should be taken to tho Upper House and we should be serfs I cannot imagine. (Oheers.) I say this without reference to tho conduct of the Upper House. I have s great regard for tho members of that House, and I think they have done good service on several occasions, but I do not think they should be subject to the Ministry. We would avoid this if we had our own parliament. But what fills me with wonder is why we should be put under tho control of Wellington. If you should say put us under the control of Great Britain I could understand it, for we are now in direct telegraphic communication with it, and it would be an honour to be connected with that great nalion, but what we should be proud of in boing under the control of Wellington is beyond my comprehension. (Ohcors) When I talked in thi3 may thoy said I was mad, but I cannot see why Wellington should rule us, All I say is it is better for you to have a separate parliament, and with tho seat of tho federal government at Wellington wo do Wellington no injustice. (Cheers.) In that wo and the Utago members went into a calculation, and Auckland was to be relievod of the payment of £120,000 per annum, and if you had that amount yearly to expond on improvements what a change would be made in the course of 10 or 20 years. Why should we go on paying this to Wellington I cannot tell.- My honest advice is to insist on the separation of the two islands and in an adjustment of the debt of tho colony, aiid if you don't say it would be preferable to be under the rule of Great Britain the present system is beyond my comprehension. (Oheers.) I think now I have touched on all the main points. I began by saying we had entered on a great task, that of leaving the world better than We found it. We are all growing old, myself especially, but let us use the span of life left us to leave an imperishable memory. Lot us be worthy of our ancestors; let eur children be able to take a pride in (heir forefathers. (Oheers) One thing I say is, do get rid of this cumulative voting, and let every man of full ago have the right to vote. Lot us get rid of this difficulty of proving qualification to vote, and let every man who has life, and who is likely to be a husband and the father of a family, be trained in political know ledge and have a vote. In the next place, joining what I hare said with this system of cumulative voting, I should urge triennial Parliaments. I should tell you I did my best to secure a law that Parliaments should only exist for three years. I had a great support, and believe that this measure might be carried next session if the people insist on it. The plea against it was that candidates had to pay their election 'expenses, but if they were wise their elections would cost them nothing. They should have the same law as they had in England, that every candidate should have an agent who should swear to the accounts, and have ihern published, I believe if this was tried elections would cost little or nothing, and if members knew that they had to come back to their constituents at the end of three years instead of five they would hold their votes differently. (Oheers.) I earnestly recommend a trennial Parliament. lam not speaking as a lunatic. A large number of the leading men of England are with me on this question, and last English Parliament a proposition to this effect was only lost by nine votes. lam not, therefore, speaking as a lunatic if I lay down the main principles that every man should have a vote, and that triennial parliaments would tend to the welfare of tho country. (Oheers.) If possible, before the next session of Parliament I shall moet my constituents and consult with them on other mutters, as, for instance, the constitution of tho Upper House j the way in which Governors are nominated and presented by one man, tho Secretary of Stato -ft man who was merely in office, and who might bo out of power the day following. Formerly, the people of a colony presented their Governor to the Queen, Thero wero other points which I would wish to discuss, but in the meantime I would thank you for your pationco and kindness, and wish you good night. (Loud and prolonged applause as Sir George, evidently much exhausted, retired to his chair).

After a brief interval the Chairman announced that Sir George Grey would now answer any quostion propounded to him,

Mr Scon, shareholder in fcha Victory claim and Halcyon buttery, sai i that lie would like to ask Sir 8. Grey whether lie had fulfill-d the promise he lwd made to him (Mr Scott). His reason for asking was that lie thought he had not, and as the promise was given pub'ioly he would ask for an answer in public, He held a mining interest under a miner's right o£ the Qoldfields Act, 1836, and holding it thus he stood at a disadvantage. Sir Gcorgo Grey promised that lie would do what he could to get the Act altered. From the statement which lie had that night made in relation to the gold duty, he could not refuse to support this, as it was as much an impost on the gild interest as the gold duty. Under the Act of 18GG a man con'd hold a, battery site and water rights under a uomiual rental, but under tho present Act it was greatly inoreased. This was a new impost on the gold, and Sir George Grey had promised to see into it. Ho was not nu opponent of Sit' George Grey, and he would doubtless

thank him for coming before him publicly and asking him whether he had fulfilled his promise. Sir 6. Gee? said that he should say the sub> ject was a private grievance, (No, no) His impression was that the gentleman had brought his claim as such. Mr Sojtt said no, and that he had in a letter explained the nutter fully to Sir George Grey, aud that tho signatures of other battery proprietors who were similarly circumstanced were appeuded to the letter, Sir Geohok Grey said it would have been impossible for liiui to have done anything of the kind. It w»3 impossible for him to state that he could have an Act altered. If they desired to got an alteration of the Act next session he would try, but he had no hope of suceeding. Mr Grbenvidle said he would like to ask Sir George Gray a question on the subjeet. Aud in the first placs iu reference to the Assembly did he (Sir George Grey) not promise him through Mr Carpenter that he would bring forward au amendment to the Act to rectify this injustice. (Cries "Godown.")

Sir G. Grei said that he should say that tho whole of those questions rested on a misunderstanding. It was impossible for a member to promise that a bill should be amended. Everything would depend on the temper of the House and everything must, therefore, >b3 left to a members's judgment;. He could only say he would do his b:st to promote tho views of all h : s constituents. (Oheers.)

Mr GaEKKVitiLB asked what' support Sir George Grey had given to the petition which had been sent to the Assembly on this subject? fir George Grey said that all a member could do was to present a petition, and then it was handed to a Grievance Committee, and the member who presented it had no power after that,

Mr Greenville said the petition had been presented by Mr Rowe, and wa3 referred to the Gold Committee, and he wanted to know whether Sir George Grey had taken his seat on the committee when that was under consideration? (Uproar.) The. Chairman said that Sir Goorge had informed them that he did not sit on that committee, and had told them the reason why. ' , Mr Bm» asked whether any steps had been taken in regard to the Volunteer land scrip; and i£ any land is open for selection; and, if open, where? Fir Gioboe Grey said he had dore -his best to acquire all the land he could for 'tho Thames, and if he had succeeded they would have got it. Mr Carpenter said, to cut the proceedings short, he would move the resolution placed in his hands, "That this meeting has the highest confidence in Sir George Grey, and cordially approves of his action in the late Parliament as a representative of the Thames district." (Cheers) Mr Alky seconded the motion. Mr GnBBNVULB, who was received with dis* approbation, moved as an amendment that a vote of thanks be accorded (o Sir Goorge Grey for his address, but that the meeting caunot approve of his action re Abolition. Mr Molntosu seconded the amendment. Mr Speioht attempted'to address the meeting but. was received with yells and hooting, and after six attempts, he had to retire without a heariug, ' The amendment was then put, and about 20 voted for it, and the original motion was carried by a sweeping majority, amidst loud chcering. Just at this moment Mr W. Rowe came ou the stage, and Mr Speight 'hurriedly proposed that Jh' Kilgour leave the chair. Mr Ilowe made several endeivours to obtain a hearing, which was denied him, aud the meeting broke up in confusion, without affording Sir George au opportunity of returning .thanks for the voto accorded to him or without the customary thanks to the Chairman. •