CLIMAX OF THE WAR.

Taranaki Herald, Volume LXVI, Issue 16212, 17 August 1918, Page 7

CLIMAX OF THE WAR.

LORD MILNER ON HOUR OF FIERCEST TRIAL. Y.M.C.A.’S WORLD-WIDE WORK. LONDON, June 21. "Lord Milner, speaking on Friday at the anniversary of the Y.M.C.A., at the headquarters of the Association in London, emphasised the grave nature of the situation and with great earnestness urged the British people to remain steadfast and resolute, and to refraiu from doing anything likely to disparage our Armies or our AJlies. Sir George Asquith, -who presided, said Hie Y.xM.C.A., which was founded 74 years ago this month in an upper chamber in St. Paul’s churchyard, saw and took its opportunity when the war broke out, and the influence eof the association was now worM-wule. The National Council had decided to open a great campaign for the advantage of the younger generation. The men who were fighting at the front could not but wish that their sous and younger brothers should have a sense of discipline and enjoy the advantages, physical, recreative, educational, and religious, which the Y.M.C.A. afforded. Lord Milner said’: You will easily understand that it is difficult for me to get away from-my work just now to attend even the most important meeting, and that I have very little time for speech-making; but I could not help coming here to-day in order to testify, as, I think, all my predecessors in office have testified, to the splendid work of the Y.M.C.A., and to thank you, on behalf of the army, for the help and succour which you afford to our men in the field —an enterprise undertaken from the highest of all motives and carried out with the greatest energy, devotion, and good sense. I think that the work of this association, like that of the Red Cross, is among the principal linlcs that hind together the nation in the field and the nation at home, the relations between which are becoming closer and more numerous. We can never forget the men in the field, and we must all ho grateful for any agency which enables ns to give practical effect to the constant, vivid sympathy which we feel with them in their titanic struggle, which they carry on with such wonderful courage, cheerfulness, and endurance. (Cheers). Times of great stress like the present have their great compensations. It is an uplifting thought that in this, the fiercest trial through which our,country has ever passed, we are a more united nation than wo have been in living memory. (Cheers). Party warfare, class differences, industrial disputes, all exist, no doubt, but they are all submerged. We are ashamed to pursue them when the existence of onr country and the whole future of humanity are at stake. . Unity here at home, the unity of the Empire—l have just come from a meeting with representatives of our great Dominions and of India which affords the most impressive testimony to it—yes, and the unity of the allied nations who are fighting side by side in the cause of human freedom, has never been more confirmed. It never was more necessary than it is to-day. And that is due above all to the simplification of the issue. There have been times during this long war when, I think, many people in this country have felt perplexities and doubts because they wore not quite satisfied about what they were fighting for. They- have thought that our war aims were for some territorial, or partly territorial or commercial advantage, something they did not greatly care about, ar.d at any rate did not caro to go on shedding blood for. But the war-lords of Germany have removed all these perplexities. They have made the issue perfectly clear. The military party has all Germany under its heel. Germany has all her allies firmly in her grip. She has safeguarded herself on the East by a ring of dependent States —the Ukraine, Poland, Finland'—and she is now turning with all her might to the West, in order, by a supreme and desperate effort, to crush the remaining free nations of Europe and so to dominate the world. Her ideal of the future of mankind is a central European block, of irresistible military strength, supported by giant industries drawing their raw material from all the rest of the world on Germany’s own terms, while leaving those supplying nations to enjoy just as much prosperity, just as much freedom and self-determination as Germany chooses to permit. A world of peaceful, servile States working for the profit, of a great Paramount Empire—that is the “German peace” as we see it illustrated in the case of Russia and Roumania. That is the vision of the future of mankind which possesses the soul of the rulers of Germany to-day,/and which the nation, dazzled with victory, is prepared to wade through further seas of blood to attain. MOBILISING THE RESERVES OF FREEDOM. It is certain, as certain as anything can he, that that object is unattainable. (Cheers.) The attempt will fail, as every attempt to subjugate the world to a single will has failed, from the time of the Roman Empire to the time of Napoleon. The liberty-loving nations of the world will fight on indefinitely—(cheers) —for their ideal of a world commonwealth of free nations as opposed to that of the new Roman Empire, and so every fresh German success moans, not the fulfilment of German ambitions—that is absolutely intolerable and unthinkable—hut a further prolongation of tho war. But we have to recognise that attempts to subjugate the world to a single will have in the past gone a long way and may go a long way again on the road to success, and that this day and hour arc the climax of Germany’s power. Therefore we have to fight as we never fought before in all our history, to fight, as our great, noble French Allies are fighting, with every ounce of, their strength, until the great reserves which the cause of freedom still possesses have had time to be fully mobilised. I see that the German Minister of War is sneering at those reserves, which he thinks are inconsiderable. Ho laughs best who laughs last, and I think that he will live to regret those sneers. But do not let anybody think for a moment that, if I speak with, hope and confidence of the help which we may get from others, especially from America—(cheers)—we are on that account abating one jot or tittle of our own effort. Our total war effort has never been greater, it has never been so great as it is to-day; and not only pur total war effort, hut our effort in placing fresh fighting men in tho field. If I could tell you—as of course I must not —the numbers of men whom we have jjut into the field since this great battle..

began, and the numbers which we are putting in and are going to put in in the immediate future, they would astonish you. Not that those numbers are enough; no effort can bo enough when everything in the world is at stake; but they do at least show that, while we have absolute faitli and confidence in our Allies, they are justified in the confidence which they place in us. (Cheers.) BEWARE OF “CRABBING.” One word of warning in conclusion. Beware of crabbing. (Hear, hear.) I do not mean to refer to our ordinary domestic crabbing, or even to the constant storm of criticism and suggestion by which every man in authority at the present time is assailed. The suggestions aije often helpful. The criticism may keep one up to the mark. That is all right. But let us beware of criticism of our Allies or even our ex-Allies. Nothing, for instance, can be more unreasonable than to abuse Russia. Russia has let us down tremendously, but she has only let us down because she is herself the prey of a raging fever. You do not abuse a man in the delirium of a fever because he aims a blow even at a friend; you only try to help him to recover. And as between the nations which are still fighting shoulder to shoulder, fighting loyally and fighting equally having regard to their several resources, nothing could bo more incon-' sistent with good feeling or with good policy than the slightest vestige of disparagement. Of course mutual criticism is only human, even among friends comrades, and follow-workers. Men criticise one another even when they are members of the same eight. Divisions of the same army ci’iticiso one another, even when they are victorious, and much more when they are not victorious. All that is, as I say, perfectly human, though it is never very admirable; but wherever national susceptibilities are likely to be excited it is positively harmful. When things go right let us give full credit to our comrades. When things go wrong do not let us cast the blame on one another. The simple truth is that all the Allied nations are now doing their very best. We have now got a single Allied Army, with a great Commander-in-Chief — (cheers) —a man full of courage, resource and prudence, and our British generals are playing up to him most loyally for all they are worth. It is not from General Fooh that you ever hear a word of disparagement of British effort, nor from that grand fighting leader of the French nation, M. Clemenceau. (Cheers). Quite the contrary. .All that I have ever heard from them are the warmest words of praise and recognition. And there is not a British statesman worth his salt who would ever dream of uttering a word of disparagement of our splendid Allies across the Channel. But there are meaner minds and paltrier spirits, and in a time of great stress and excitement and nervous tension, temptation to find fault is sometimes difficult to resist. And remember there are some traitors in every country, and there are everywhere some—perhaps a good many—enemy agents upon whom you may not be able to lay your hands. It is they who are at the bottom of most of the fault-finding which seeks to set one Allied nation against another. And, if they are not at the bottom of it, they are quite certain to avail themselves of, it with the most diabolical skill. Let us stamp upon the head of that serpent with all our might.. (Cheers). I would make a special appeal to the Press of this country and of our great and noble Allies across the Channel not to full into this trap which the enemy is constantly setting. The moral unity of the Allies, which is based and rooted in the greatness of their common cause, is our most precious asset. Let us preserve it at all costs, for, that preserved, we have only to bear and forbear with one another to that victorious end which may still be very distant, but is never doubtful. (Cheers.) ' ,