The Taranaki Herald. DAILY EVENING. SATURDAY. DECEMBER 4, 1915. PEACE MOVEMENTS.

Taranaki Herald, Volume LXIII, Issue 144854, 4 December 1915, Page 2

The Taranaki Herald. DAILY EVENING. SATURDAY. DECEMBER 4, 1915. PEACE MOVEMENTS.

Although 31 r. Ford’s peace expedition need not he taken very seriously there is little, doubt that the enemy would gladly welcome a cessation of hostilities just now, though upon what terms is a matter for speculation. If Germany were asked what conditions she would accept, her answer would probably bo to the effect that Belgium, and Poland

must become subject to Germany, that all German colonial possessions must bo restored, that the freedom of the seas for German commerce must be guaranteed, that a huge war indemnity must be paid to Germany, and a few minor demands conceded. If the Allies, on the other hand, offered peace on a “status quo ante bellum” basis, no doubt Germany would with ill-concealed eagerness accept it. But there is not the remotest possibility of such terms being offered, all the Allies being fully determined to fight on until the enemy is crippled for a generation or two. At the same time there is no sign yet that Germany is reduced to a condition to eat humble pie. She will take a lot more punishment yet before her pride and determination arc broken. Well informed writers a year or more ago declared that the German temperament was such that the nation would decide to “cut its losses’’ as soon as it was realised that there was no hope of victory, that it would not fight to the last man, as the Belgians and the Serbians are determined to do rather than acknowledge defeat. Those writers apparently misread the German character, for it is scarcely conceivable that intelligent Germans are so blind to the significance of events that they still believe they can win or even make a draw of it. They know as well as we do that the future is with the Allies, whose ultimate resources in men, munitions, and money are immeasurably greater than their own, and that these must win in the long run. It may he that when their armies hav.e been destroyed, captured, or driven hack over their own borders, the- Germans will cry “Enough,” but that will not be just yet. In the. meantime it is quite possible that Germany is through hidden channels endeavouring to sound the Allies on the question of peace, knowing that every month from now on will make her position weaker and less favourable to negotiate from. The Kaiser himself, it would appear, is concerned about. Austria, and fearing a collapse there has gone to secure a firmer grip of the government of that country. A Rome correspondent reports that accord- i ing to sensationalists the Kaiser's visit to the Emperor Francis Joseph is clue to hitter Austro-Ger-mnn dissensions, recalling the trouble of 186(1. The sensationalists may for oner be right. When Prussia decided to annex the Schleswig and Holstein duchies, Austria objected and war between the two countries broke out in 1866. After the great battle of Sadowa the Prussians marched on Vienna and forced the Emperor Francis Joseph to submit to terms | which gave Prussia a crushing preponderance in Germany. Shortly afterwards, how-over, Austria brought about a reconstruction of the Empire on a basis of n separate national existence, of Hungary, and Francis Joseph united the two kingdoms in his own person when- he was crowned King of Hungary in 1867. Latterly the Empire has fallen under the domination of Germany in a military sense and it is now suggested that the Kaiser is desirous of obtaining greater control over the internal administration, and this is borne out by the fact that three Ministers have resigned and others with strong German leanings have taken their places. By this means the Kaiser may hope that ho will be able to avoid any risk of Austria endeavouring to make a separate peace, which would be fatal to Germany. But the Austro-Hungarians may resent such a strengthening of German influence in their country and take the very course which the Kaiser wishes to prevent.

of the others will be only slightly incapacitated. In addition to these there are the sick,- comparatively few compared with former wars, but still very numerous. These figures are distressing, but they are part of tho price that had to be paid for freedom from German domination. Tho German losses are at least eight times as great, which is not remarkable when we consider that they and the Austrians occupy a front of 1200 miles, while the British till recently held about 30 miles, a portion of the lino where, however, the fighting has been most severe. In answer to a question in the House of Commons it was stated that during tho last three months at Loos the losses had amounted to 95,000. If this figure is correct it goes far to explain why the- British have not made a more rapid advance at that point. Tho losses in the actual advance were not extraordinary, considering tho strength of the position, owing to the thorough artillery preparation, but the Germans made desperate endeavours to regain the ground lost, and it must have been costly to hold it. Even allowing for this the figures seem almost incredible for a front of only five miles. If they aro accurate they must mean a German loss of at least 200,000, taking into account the reckless use of their men by the Germans and that they wore the attacking party. The position is of great importance, as it contains Hill 70, one* and a half miles from Lens, which dominates the town and tho country to the cast. The French have also taken another hill some miles to the south which is equally valuable. The consideration of our losses can only lead to one conclusion—that the live.'' that have gonv must not bo wasted. The shortest way to end the war is to send more men now when the Germans are beginning to feel despondent. One recruit to-day is of more value than ■, two or three in a lew months’ time. ■ The chance to fill the ranks of the 11th Reinforcements is there, and the call for Taranaki men has never been