The Daily News. FRIDAY, DECEMBER. 14, 1917. GERMANY'S LOST COLONIES.

Taranaki Daily News, 14 December 1917, Page 4

The Daily News. FRIDAY, DECEMBER. 14, 1917. GERMANY'S LOST COLONIES.

There is no meeting point in the views of the (Pan-Germans and the British Dominions with regard to Germany's lost colonial possessions. Each side is equally insistent, and so the question must remain until jpeaoe tornis are : settled. In a recent issue of the Frankfurter Zeitung it was stated that exclusion of Germany from Africa was part of tho peace programme, but that England will soon be compelled to make ' a thorough revision of her peace aims, and that the same applied to the statements of the New Zealand Prime Minister about the South Sea colonies. "It will not," added the German writer, "bo the special wishes of New Zealand, but the general war situation in Europe that will determine the whole colonial futviv." This assertion is so obviously true that it requires no analysis. It is the issue of the conflict that will decide not only the fate of the German colonies, but of Germany itself. In a recent speech at the Chamber of Commerce «onferenoe at Wellington, Mr. Massey said that, when in England, both Sir Joseph Ward and himself had lost no opportunity of impressing upon the British Government and \ the Imperial , War Cabinet that any proposal to give back the islands with which New Zealand was concerned—Samoa, German New Guinea, and other islands formerly belonging to Germany—would be bitterly resented by the citizens of the British nation in the* South Pacified He added that if any opportunity was given < to Germany to re-occupy these islands there was likely to be serious trouble among the people of the Dominions, and particularly among the people of New Zealand. Speaking recently at Palmerston, Mr. Massey, referring to the expedition which was sent in the early stages of the war to take possession of Samoa, remarked that once we allow Germany's representative to meet the representatives of the Empire around the council board at any peace conference, the probability is that we shall lose Samoa, and that will also apply to the other dominions of the Empire. Ho rightly contended that when peace comes it must be worthy of the tremendous sacrifices ira&de and of the blood that has been spilt. ''lf," lie '. said, "it's not worthy of these things, ; then we do not want it. We will : carry on until a decisive victory comes," : That is the precise position, for any' other course is unthinkable; we must keep on until Germany is the suppliant and not Britain. We cannot afford to provide Germany with bases for new offensives in the future. South African authorities are equally de- , termined to resist all efforts on Germany's part to hold any portion of her ; former possessions there. It is inconceivable that, after experiencing the evils of German occupation of territory, that she should be allowed to regain a footing in any part of the world wherefrom she has been driven. There is no desire to check her expansion provided no encroachment takes place on other people's territory. The feelings of the Dominions on this matter are ' not one whit stronger than the feeling in Great Britain. An Allied victory ( means the blotting out of the Greater Germany. It means that all Germany's overseas dependencies will be treated as spoils of war—not because the Empire

needs more territory, but for the reason that Germany cannot be trusted to occupy them in a civilised manner. Whenever she has effected a lodgment she has used it to build up formidable military power and to intrigue against her neighbors. The German colonies have been nests of machine guns and plotting agents—so many parade grounds for drilling natives to carry out schemes of conquer—and General Smuts has givan o, warning that if Germany could tap the man, power of Central Africa she might renew on even a greater scale, her present attempt to subdue the world, and that is why she must be eliminate! (see and for all. Her colonial rule was one of terror just as is the case with her rule of the territory occupied during the war. To all the noisy clamor for restitution of these colonies, there is but one answer: ''Never again." THE EMPIRE'S GREAT RESPONSIBILITY. It is no use attempting to ignore tli» fact that of late the war position has very materially changed for the worse so far as the Allies are concerned. It is advisable and politic, when a situation becomes beset \yith difficult and unexpected problems, to l take a calm review with the ;object of ascertaining how the obstacles to success are to be overcome. In so doing there is no occasion to be either pessimistic or optimistic, while to face the new developments with 1 a calm assurance of confidence in the ul- ■ timate issue, and yet to recognise. the gravity of the position is a duty from which we should not shrink. In the carrying on of a war of such magnitude as that in which we arc now engaged, it us inevitable there must be victories and defeats. For these we are prepared, but for the consequences of such disastrous conduct as that of the Russians wo were not prepared, hence the seriousness of the defection. We have, in continuing the struggle, which has become more fierce and bitter as the war proceeds, to recast the fighting strength of the Allies at a critical moment. Up till recently the Allies consisted of four great and powerful nations—Britain, France, Russia, and Italy—who brought their vast resources into the fighting line and actively took the offensive against the enemy. Nowj Russia >has not only dropped out as an assailant, but is practically helping the enemy. Italy, instead of being a help, needs considerable aid, and Franoe has apparently reached the limit of her co-operation—-great and glorious as it has been and doubtless will be to the end. It is apparent, therefore, that the main responsibility for success rests on the forces of the British Empire, and it is as well to focus attention on that point. In all the main war theatres the situ*, tion is by no means ■as satisfactory as W3 could hope, and the recent retreat ' : from positions won on the West front j ; has naturally caused disappointment, as our hopes were very high when the smc- ; cess was achieved. That it was a precautionary withdrawal brought about by the large accession of enemy forces through Russia's suicidal folly somewhat lessens the chagrin, though we cannot lose sight of the losses in men and material which the enemy claims to have inflicted. At the same time wo have had to render help to Italy when we sorely needed every available unit, on the i. est front, though such aid is neither grudged nor regretted. It is not only man power that Italy needs, but munitions, so that not only has Britain to supply artillery, but the Germans ' are using the guns and munitions supplied by the Allies to Russia. Theso are by no means trifles, and in addition there is the submarine toll of ships still being taken. In spite of all these draw--1 backs there is no waning of the spirit of confidence, though, possibly, a tighter clenching of the teeth. The struggle must be fought to the bitter end not only against the military forces of the enemy, but also against his intrigues and endless artifices to alienate the Allies. Germany is fighting against time, so as to make America's help of no avail, but ; our latest ally is speeding up with the utmost fervor and even the Chinese are I anxious to render military aid. The , great, responsibility which rests on the Empire will be met in true British fashion—the greater the task, the greater the determination to fulfil it to the last detail, and not to pause until the i goal is reached.